Civil War Times 2015-10

★ REAL REALITY TV: KEN BURNS’ THE CIVIL WAR ★

OCTOBER 2015

Friction of the frontier between Europeans and the Native peoples increased as more and more settlers moved westward clearing fields and building permanent communities. Disputes on issues ranged from personal insults, unfair trade or regional policy and often became violent. Few communities were close to the small military outposts that dotted the wilderness, and travel on the crude roads and trails could take days for any organized force to react to a threat.

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CIVIL WAR TIMES OCTOBER 2015

58 ABOVE: Stout West Point Foundry ironworkers who made Parrott rifles pose for a wartime image. ON THE COVER: A 22nd New York cavalryman captured this battle flag at Waynesboro, Va., in March 1865.

FEATURES 30

Embattled Banner By John M. Coski The convoluted history of the Confederate battle flag

36

‘Every step we made, some soldier fell’ By Keith Bohannon A 9th Georgia infantryman descibes the fighting at Gettysburg on July 2, 1863

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44

Moving Pictures By Jonathan Fetter-Vorm and Ari Kelman A graphic depiction brings gritty reality to a familiar scene

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52

By Noah Andre Trudeau Liberty Ships named for Civil War icons joined the “Arsenal of Democracy”

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DEPARTMENTS

30 44

Blue and Gray Help Win World War II

4

Editorial Departures old and new

6

Letters Freeman McGilvery, Lee’s Last Words

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News ! New TV series on the war

14

Details Ironclad blacksmiths at work

16

Insight The Grand Review

20

Materiel 6 Flashy Revolvers

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Interview Ken Burns offers new perspectives on making his epic PBS series The Civil War on the eve of its 25th anniversary

58 Explore The Lower Hudson River Valley 62

Reviews The Lost Papers of Confederate General John Bell Hood

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Etc. Bugles and man’s best friend

72

Sold ! Drumroll please

EDITORIAL

The dead Confederate at Devil’s Den was photographed on July 6, 1863. He was likely killed during the fighting on July 2.

DEPARTURES I’VE LOOKED AT THE IMAGE of the dead “sharpshooter” at Gettysburg dozens of times, and visited the site often. There’s still debate about exactly how this soldier was killed and whether photographer Alexander Gardner and his team dragged his body to, or from, a hastily erected stone barricade at Devil’s Den. I accept the explanation given in William Frassanito’s book Gettysburg: A Journey in Time, a study of the images taken immediately after the famous battle, that the dead Confederate was a common infantryman found about 40 yards from the barricade, then dragged there to create a poignant image. But when I read the graphic novel excerpt about this incident on P. 44, a departure from Civil War Times’ usual format, it brought a stark, gritty reality to the famous photo. You’ll notice some other departures in this issue. We have redesigned the magazine, showcasing a number of 19th-century fonts to evoke its heritage and the era it represents. But rest assured, the content is still the same interesting and varied material you have come to expect. There is no debate about that. —D.B.S.

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Civil War Times

CIVIL WAR MICHAEL A. REINSTEIN CHAIRMAN & PUBLISHER DIONISIO LUCCHESI PRESIDENT WILLIAM KONEVAL ASSOCIATE PUBLISHER EDITOR IN CHIEF ROGER L. VANCE

Vol. 54, No. 5

TIMES

ONLINE

OCTOBER 2015

EDITORIAL DANA B. SHOAF EDITOR JENNIFER M. VANN ART DIRECTOR NAN SIEGEL MANAGING EDITOR CHRIS K. HOWLAND SENIOR EDITOR SARAH RICHARDSON SENIOR EDITOR SARAH J. MOCK PHOTO EDITOR/SOCIAL MEDIA COORDINATOR SHENANDOAH SANCHEZ PHOTOGRAPHER AT LARGE ADVISORY BOARD Edwin C. Bearss, Gabor Boritt, Catherine Clinton, William C. Davis, Gary W. Gallagher, Lesley Gordon, D. Scott Hartwig, John Hennessy, Harold Holzer, Robert K. Krick, Michael McAfee, James M. McPherson, Mark E. Neely Jr., Megan Kate Nelson, Ethan S. Rafuse, Susannah Ural

DIGITAL BRIAN KING DIRECTOR GERALD SWICK EDITOR BARBARA JUSTICE SENIOR GRAPHIC DESIGNER

CORPORATE PAUL ZIMMY EVP DIGITAL GREG FERRIS EVP STRATEGY DAVID STEINHAFEL OPERATIONS & FINANCE STEPHEN KAMIFUJI CREATIVE DIRECTOR KAREN G. JOHNSON BUSINESS DIRECTOR ROB WILKINS MILITARY AMBASSADOR & PARTNERSHIP MARKETING DIRECTOR GEORGE CLARK SINGLE COPY SALES DIRECTOR

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DIRECT RESPONSE ADVERTISING RUSSELL JOHNS ASSOCIATES 800-649-9800 [email protected] © 2015 WORLD HISTORY GROUP, LLC

SUBSCRIPTION INFORMATION AND BACK ISSUES Subscription Information: 800-435-0715 Yearly Subscriptions in U.S.: $39.95 Back Issues: 800-358-6327 Civil War Times (ISSN 1546-9980) is published bimonthly by World History Group, LLC 19300 Promenade Drive, Leesburg, VA 20176-6500 703-771-9400 Periodical postage paid at Leesburg, VA and additional mailing offices. POSTMASTER, send address changes to: Civil War Times, P.O. Box 422224, Palm Coast, FL 32142-2224 List Rental Inquiries: Belkys Reyes, Lake Group Media, Inc. 914-925-2406; [email protected] Canada Publications Mail Agreement No. 41342519, Canadian GST No. 821371408RT0001 The contents of this magazine may not be reproduced in whole or in part without the written consent of World History Group, LLC

P ROU D L Y MAD E IN THE U S A

VISIT

C I V I LWA RT I M E S .C OM

BEFORE THE STORM Union soldiers wait to go into action at Fredericksburg, Va., in May 1863

‘STRONG ENOUGH TO FLOAT AN IRON WEDGE’ Few things were as welcome to soldiers in camp and on the march as a fresh, hot cup of coffee

JOSHUA L. CHAMBERLAIN: LETTERS REVEAL THE INNER MAN The 20th Maine leader’s accounts of Gettysburg, Fredericksburg and more

MYSTERY IN THE WILDERNESS Stonewall Jackson’s amputated arm has a following all its own LET’S CONNECT Like Civil War Times Magazine on Facebook DIGITAL SUBSCRIPTION Civil War Times is available on iPad and other digital platforms

LETTERS

Gettysburg Hero THE OTHERWISE excellent article on Lt. Col. Freeman McGilvery in the August 2015 issue referred to Joshua Chamberlain of the 20th Maine as a lieutenant colonel when in fact he was a full colonel during the Gettysburg Campaign. I also noted that on the 9th Massachusetts Battery guidon the May 1864 engagement “Totopotomoy” is misspelled “Tolopotomoy,” but there was no battle by that name. Since the battles of Totopotomoy Creek and Bethesda Church (also on the flag) are often listed as one engagement, did the 9th really fight in two separate engagements, or were they trying to enhance their accomplishments? Richard P. Cox Sun City, Ariz.

Editor Dana Shoaf responds: Good catch on the mistake with Chamberlain’s rank. Regarding Totopotomoy Creek/Bethesda Church, fighting took place there

HISTORY BUFF Aidan Anderson of Norwalk, Ohio, enjoys the June issue of Civil War Times at a recent history conference in Newport News, Va.

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Civil War Times

over three days (May 2830, 1864), but some sources do list Bethesda Church as a separate engagement on the 30th. It seems likely that whoever stitched the

names on the flag simply left off “Creek.” As far as the spelling goes, battle names were often misspelled (Spotsylvania has two t’s on the same guidon), and Totopotomoy is a particularly tricky one. I misspelled it repeatedly as I wrote this response.

LAST WORDS A thought concerning the interesting article in the August issue about Robert E. Lee’s final words. Is it not true that the dying Stonewall Jackson also called for A.P. Hill to come up, in addition to saying, approximately, “Let us cross over the river and rest in the shade of the trees.” Hill certainly “came up” in the nick of time at Antietam. Murray C. Greason Jr. Winston-Salem, N.C. Author Robert K. Krick responds: Mr. Greason is precisely right about A.P. Hill’s name being among the last words attributed to Stonewall Jackson on his deathbed at Guinea Station on May 10, 1863. Witnesses mentioned Jackson calling in his delirium for Hill to send his troops to the front. Jackson and Hill had been sharply at loggerheads for months by that time—as was the case with Stonewall and many (indeed most) of his ranking subordinates. Although the fact has not been widely recognized, solid evidence exists that the two famed Southern officers had managed a

rapprochement during April 1863. Even so, members of Jackson’s staff bristled at the suggestion that their chief ’s dying words evinced warmth and reliance on Hill. Instead, they said emphatically, Jackson must have been feverishly complaining that Hill was not yet up, and should have been. As with virtually every dying declaration uttered, there’s no way we can be sure.

LONGSTREET’S JOURNEY I hope you will continue the article based on Major Thomas Goree’s diary concerning the long trek home for him and General Longstreet. I often think what an arduous journey it must have been for the average soldier. Most did not have a horse or mule, little or no money of value and poor shoes. Thank you for all you and your staff do to make your magazine so interesting. Harold Grimes Jr. Pine Apple, Ala.

PELICAN BUCKLE I am not versed in buckle design origin stories or, for that matter, the “somewhat obscure” stories related to the Louisiana State seal buckle. That said, I immediately recognized the symbol shown in the August issue’s “Sold!” as representing sacrifice. Specifically, a Christian symbol for atonement, with Christ represented as a Pelican, sacrificing

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itself so that humanity/pelican offspring live on. Whether or not the atonement story was a factor, self-sacrifice for that which you love seems fitting for the era of the piece. Geoffrey Penn Denver, Colo. Editor Dana Shoaf responds: You are correct; the image of the pelican tearing at its breast to feed its young represents sacrifice. Our wording could have been clearer. We meant to point out that although just when this emblem first became associated with Louisiana is somewhat vague, according to one source we used it was formally adopted by the state as a symbol in 1902. In a larger sense, the scene says something about the continued impact of the Civil War on our culture when a small piece of cast brass sells for nearly $5,000 because of the meaning attached to it.

FROM FACEBOOK: I enjoyed Rick Beard’s article about Lt. Col. Freeman McGilvery and the Reserve Artillery’s stand at Gettysburg on July 2, 1863. The opening photograph shows a Parrott gun with a casting seam running the length of the barrel and an offcenter bore. Is this is one of the replica guns provided by Calvin Gilbert in the 1890s?

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Experience History!

Experience the Civil War in Jacksonville Visit the Museum of Military History and discover weapons and artifacts used during the Civil War. Then relive one of Arkansas’ first stands before the Union Army captured Little Rock with this year's reenactment at the Reed’s Bridge Battle site on October 17th.

WRONG DATE

GREENE

COUNTY

TOURISM

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Civil War Times

Editor Dana Shoaf responds: Great eye! The tube was indeed cast by Gilbert’s Adams County, Pa., foundry in the 1890s. For more about those reproductions, check out the blog entry by cannon expert Craig Swain at markerhunter.wordpress.com.

www.jacksonvillesoars.com

On P. 48 of the August issue, in “Relics of the ‘Fire of Patriotism,’” we erroneously referred to the “June and July 1864” Siege of Port Hudson, La. That siege actually took place in 1863.

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NEWS!

PBS CIVIL WAR SERIES MERCY STREET, a six-part Civil War–based drama, will air this winter on PBS Television and share Sunday night scheduling with the final season of Downton Abbey. The story revolves around two nurses, abolitionist Mary Phinney and Confederate sympathizer Emma Green. Phinney and Green both serve at a hotel that has been converted to a Union hospital. The script is drawn from memoirs and letters of wartime doctors and nurses. Beth Hoppe, chief programming executive for PBS, said that Mercy Street will delve “into the multifaceted lives of those in the hospital wards.” Film and TV veterans Ridley Scott and David W. Zucker are among the producers of the series, and numerous historians, including James McPherson, George Wunderlich, director of the National Museum of Civil War Medicine, and Audrey Davis, director of the Alexandria Black History Museum, have been tapped to ensure accuracy. At press time, the series was being shot in Richmond and Petersburg.

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Civil War Times

QUOTABLE

We’re in an age of Teflon people… People then were more original, more individual – Ed Bearss

Cushing’s Medal of Honor Displayed

Tribute to ANDERSONVILLE’s Dead ONE HUNDRED fifty years after the Civil War ended,

the Andersonville National Historic Site, where more than 45,000 prisoners were incarcerated during Camp Sumter’s 14 months of operation, continues to serve as a memorial to all U.S. POWs. This September 18 and 19, volunteers will be distributing nearly 13,000 luminaries at the Georgia site, one for each of the soldiers who died there. The funeral ceremony that those men never received is planned for the 19th. See nps.gov/ande for more details.

GETTYSBURG

HERO

Alonzo Cushing’s Medal of Honor will be on display at the McClurg Museum in Westfield, N.Y., until September 8. The medal was awarded to Cushing’s

Fire ! THE ROLLING HILLS near Sharpsburg, Md., will once again ring with the sound of cannon fire on August 22 and 23, when the Antietam National Battlefield hosts an Artillery Weekend. Visitors can get an up-close look at a period encampment and watch demonstrations of loading and firing a variety of artillery pieces. See nps.gov/anti.

descendants in a ceremony at the White House last September —151 years after the battle. Cushing, one of several brothers who fought for the North, was honored for his heroism during Pickett’s Charge, on the third day of the battle. Despite receiving two serious wounds during the artillery barrage that accompanied the charge, the 22-year-old major refused an order to retire and remained in command of Battery A, 4th U.S. Artillery, as the Rebels advanced on Union troops waiting for them on Cemetery Ridge. Cushing had his guns moved directly behind the stone wall at the famous Angle and ordered his artillerymen to fire on Maj. Gen. George Pickett’s onrushing men while propped up by a comrade. He was eventually shot in the head and killed. The town of Westfield is close to Cushing’s childhood home, Fredonia. After September 8, the medal will return to Gettysburg National Military Park. The museum is also home to the “Lincoln Legacy” exhibit, which highlights the region’s contributions to the war. To find out more, see mcclurgmuseum.org.

Civil War Times

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NEWS!

All Hands on Deck What better place to learn more

White Glove

T r e at m e n t If holding history in your hands intrigues you, consider signing up for the Mariners’ Museum’s next “Handling History” presentation, scheduled for Saturday, August 15, at 2 p.m. THE FOCUS IN AUGUST is artifacts from USS Monitor—which guests can actually hold in their hands, wearing gloves, of course! The museum, in Newport News, Va., is in the process of bringing back to life the ironclad, which foundered while under tow during a storm off Cape Hatteras on December 31, 1862. At the August 15 presentation, noted USS Monitor Center Director Dave Krop, attendees will “have the opportunity to speak with conservation staff, learn more about the artifacts and their significance, as well as learn about the overall conservation process.” He added, “We’re giving guests a chance to handle their own history.” See marinersmuseum.org.

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Civil War Times

about what the war was like for sailors and Marines than the restored sailing sloop USS Constellation, in Baltimore’s Inner Harbor. Commissioned in 1855, Constellation protected Union shipping from Confederate raiders such as CSS Sumter during the Civil War. On August 29, Ships Company, a living history organization dedicated to preserving American maritime heritage, offers a special program aboard Constellation, “Life in Mr. Lincoln’s Navy,” from 10 to 4.Who knows? A bit of nautical music-making might be on offer as well, since the group also boasts its own singing group, the Chanteymen, who perform regularly in Baltimore and Washington area pubs. Visit shipscompany.org to find out more.

Former Slave Honored he National Civil War Museum in Harrisburg, Pa., unveiled in May a remarkably lifelike figure of Ephraim Slaughter. After escaping from slavery, Slaughter fought for the Union, and settled in Harrisburg following the war. He died in 1943 at age 97, the last known survivor of the war to live in Dauphin County, where American Legion Post 733 bears his name. Wayne Motts, the museum’s chief executive, noted that “While the museum presents educational material and interpretive displays related to African American participation in the war, it did not have, until now, an actual African American soldier figure of a person who fought in the war in its permanent exhibit gallery.” The figure, which stands 5-feet-5, cost $15,000, provided by private donations.

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THE CIVIL WAR ON THE INTERNET

M A P P I N G O C C U PAT I O N . O R G

“MAPPING OCCUPATION” maps the U.S. Army’s reach during Reconstruction, charting the role the Army played in ending the institution of slavery. As site creators Gregory P. Downs and Scott Nesbit explain, the “U.S. Army remained the key institution that newly freed people in the South could access as they tried to defend their rights.” They recognize that “slaves took the crucial steps to seize their chance at freedom,” but argue that the Army “helped convince planters that slavery was dead, overturned local laws, and in other ways worked with freed people to construct a new form of federal power on the ground.” The narrative that begins on the home page provides a superb introduction to Reconstruction and how it varied from state to state, law to law and crisis to crisis. Data images complement the narrative, providing detailed examples. (Note that Mozilla Firefox is

QUIZ:

recommended; Google Chrome did not display all maps correctly.) Next users might elect to home in on the wealth of available sortable data by clicking on “Exploratory Map” on the screen’s left side, to watch the Army’s presence evolve and gain an understanding of the crucial role it played in ensuring slavery’s demise. Downs and Nesbit have mapped, for example, how many soldiers were African American, and whether they were stationed in the Deep South or the Far West. Reconstruction is understudied because it is so complicated, varying not only by state and region, but also across time. “Mapping Occupation” is grounded in both classic and cutting-edge historical arguments that bring much of the confusion about this period into focus. Hopefully it will be, as Downs and Nesbit note, “a first step” among projects on this era. —Susannah J. Ural

ENCROACHED NAME THE LOCATION of this development-scarred battlefield where two prominent Union generals lost their lives and send your answer via e-mail to [email protected] or via regular mail (19300 Promenade Dr., Leesburg, VA 20176) marked “Encroached.” The first correct answer will win a book. Congratulations to last issue’s winners, Jeff VanDerford of Staunton, Va. (e-mail), and James Pabian of Spring Green, Wis. (mail), who correctly identified the USS Cairo memorial at Vicksburg National Military Park.

Civil War Times

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DETAILS

WORKING IRON ON AN IRON BOAT MILITARY EQUIPMENT is subjected to a tremendous amount of wear and tear, and requires constant upkeep. These sailors are helping to maintain the Passaic-class monitor USS Lehigh by working as blacksmiths on its deck. The image, taken while Lehigh was on Virginia’s James River in 1864-65, is one of a series of photos of that vessel. USS Monitor inventor John Ericsson designed the 10 monitors in the Passaic class. He also improved on his original concept, and the monitors benefited from increased firepower and a pilot house placed over the turret for better communication. Many of the sturdy ironclads served throughout the 19th century. Lehigh, for example, was launched in January 1863 and not decommissioned until 1898. During the Civil War, Lehigh fought at Hampton Roads, Va., on the James River and in Charleston Harbor. After Lehigh ran aground on November 16, 1863, at Charleston, the vessel was struck by 22 shells. Despite that pummeling, its iron plating held—with only seven crewmen out of 75 wounded. The vessel was eventually towed to safety and repaired, no doubt with the help of blacksmiths like these.

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1

A striker readies his maul to bear down on a piece of bar iron, the end of which appears to be a different shade, indicating it’s probably hot from the forge.

2

The coal-burning forge is the heart of the action. This sailor’s left hand rests on the lever that pumps the bellows, seen just behind the forge.

3

Blacksmith shops on land are often cluttered with pieces of iron, clamps and hammers. Why should a ship’s deck be any different?

4

Quench tubs, used to cool off hot metal, were usually wooden, but this one is made of riveted metal, meant to stand up to rough use.

5

A heavy chain has been wrapped around the base of the smokestack, perhaps to help protect the stack from enemy fire during combat.

6

The word “Photographer” can be made out on this box. The black drape above it was likely part of a portable darkroom.

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INSIGHT

VICTORY MARCH The Army of the Potomac parades down Pennsylvania Avenue on May 23, 1865.

THE GRAND REVIEW By Gary W. Gallagher

A striking example of tension between contemporary meanings and subsequent analysis of a historical event. THE GRAND REVIEW in Washington, D.C., on May 23-24, 1865, featured more than 150,000 soldiers from George G. Meade’s Army of the Potomac and William T. Sherman’s Armies of the Tennessee and Georgia. The men marched down Pennsylvania Avenue amid throngs of onlookers for whom the seemingly endless ranks bespoke the impressive military power of a mobilized populace, citizen-soldiers who had risked all in a brutal war and stood as exemplars of disinterested patriotic sacrifice. These troops had come forth in “tribute to free government,” affirmed one newspaper, “…representatives of every loyal State, to struggle, shoulder to shoulder, for their common country. They were our friends and brothers and sons, our fellow-citizens, our people.”

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Civil War Times

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Crossed flags and rifles along with a Confederate cap and CSA are captured on the front

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Bold patch on the back features a stirring portrait by artist John Paul Strain of General Robert E. Lee leading his men into battle along with a proud C.S.A. tribute

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The Grand Review affords a striking example of tension between contemporary meanings and subsequent analysis of a historical event. For veterans who marched in the review and spectators who watched and cheered, the two-day spectacle marked a victory that had preserved the Union, ensured the viability of democracy and vanquished forces of Southern oligarchy inimical to the intent of the founding generation. U.S. armies had shouldered the burden of suppressing the rebellion, and those on parade in Washington could claim more achievements on storied battlefields than any others. During the past year, these armies had captured Atlanta and Richmond, cut a swath through Georgia and the Carolinas, and forced the Army of Northern Virginia and its famous commander to surrender. The state and national flags at the head of regiments, many of them little more than tattered remnants, summoned emotional images of both the nation’s constituent parts and its triumphant whole.

A

mericans who regarded the Grand Review in such terms could not have anticipated that future generations would take a far different view. Much recent scholarly literature finds in the events of May 23-24 a template for what was wrong with the war’s winning cause. Too militaristic, too avowedly nationalist and, most troubling, too white, the review laid bare the flawed nature of Union triumph. Strip away the waving flags and chestthumping and what remained was a soon-to-be-reunited nation that looked much like the racist, exclusionary United States of the prewar era. How should we reconcile these conflicting interpretations of the Grand Review? The answer to that question opens inquiry into topics such as how the review was planned and, in a broader sense, the meaning of Union and the relationship between the loyal citizenry and the men who campaigned in U.S. armies. The absence of U.S. Colored Troops in the review is easily explained. Put together quickly (as late as May 16, General in Chief Ulysses S. Grant did not know whether it would take place), the review was limited to forces close to Washington—Meade’s and Sherman’s, which contained no black units. Could organizers have scheduled the event to make certain black troops were present? The answer must be yes. They also could have waited to summon from other theaters representative white units with as much claim to a place in the parade or, perhaps most obviously, arranged for some of the Navy’s 50,000 sailors to participate. Instead, working on a short timetable, planners opted to stage the event with the republic’s greatest and most famous armies. It is worth noting that black units had been included in processions at Lincoln’s Second Inaugural and at his funeral in Washington—facts that undercut any notion of a conspiracy to ban them from the Grand Review. The New York Times, a solidly Republican sheet, pronounced “very silly, and scarcely worthy of notice” the idea that black units had been barred from the review. The nation’s leading abolitionist newspaper found the charge that “brave colored troops [had been] debarred from participation in the late military review” to be groundless. “There have been no negro troops in the Army of the Potomac for nearly a year,” observed The

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Civil War Times

Liberator, which accurately described how Sherman’s black pioneers “marched shoulder to shoulder, in the review, with their white comrades, under the same flag.” The modern complaint about the nationalism displayed on May 23-24 seems scarcely worth addressing. More than a third of a million Union soldiers had perished in an effort to restore the nation, a democratic republic with a franchise quite narrow by current standards—women and most black men could not vote—but breathtakingly broad within a mid-19th-century transatlantic context. Participants and observers predictably cheered the nation’s survival as a democratic beacon in a world yet to embrace the idea of government by the people. The Democratic New York Herald, which boasted a robust domestic circulation and the largest European readership among all American newspapers, captured the triumphal character of most reactions to the Grand Review. Blue-clad soldiers, noted the Herald, “have secured the perpetuity of that Union upon which the hopes of the oppressed of all climes and countries depend. They are the champions of free governments throughout the world.” Finally, grousing about the review as a militaristic ritual completely misses a crucial point. The deeply anti-militaristic American tradition, rooted in opposition to professional British soldiers during the colonial and revolutionary eras, stood out sharply in coverage of the event. Victory belonged to citizen-soldiers who wanted nothing more than to put aside their weapons and return to civilian life. “These are only dutiful American citizens,” commented one newspaper that articulated a common theme, “coming home to disband after a long successful work in behalf of their country!” One reporter quoted an Englishman in the crowd who affirmed he never had seen a more impressive military parade and thought “the grandeur of it all is that these men are citizens.” A Baltimore paper placed the veterans’ work “alongside the events of the Revolutionary generation,” singling out “the significance of the transition from the soldier to the citizen. The soldier of yesterday is the citizen of to-day.” The Grand Review represented a moment to look back and ahead—to the military labors of more than 2 million men who donned blue uniforms during the war and to a reinvigorated republic in which veterans and fellow citizens would play out their lives. ✯

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6

QUICK SHOOTERS

SAMUEL COLT patented the first cap and ball revolver, one that used percussion caps for ignition, in 1836. By the 1860s, dozens of imitators and competitors were producing their own versions, a few of which are pictured here. Cavalrymen of both sides found multiple-shot revolvers indispensable. Confederate partisan leader John Mosby required his men to carry at least two pistols and specified that they dispense with sabers. Officers North and South also found it handy to have a pistol when they were in desperate straits. Some infantrymen purchased their own handguns, but generally abandoned them during their first march.

LEMAT SECOND MODEL Caliber: .40 cylinder and 16-gauge barrel Length: 14 inches

The beastly LeMat is the only revolver featured here that held nine rounds in its cylinder. The stubby lower barrel delivered a load of buckshot and was fired separately. The Confederacy imported about 1,500 of the Paris– and London–made weapons. Southern General Jeb Stuart carried a LeMat as his sidearm.

SPILLER & BURR Caliber: .36 Length: 12 inches

Made in Atlanta and later in Macon, Ga., the Spiller & Burr revolver used a brass frame to compensate for the shortage of Southern iron. The frame was beefed up over the barrel’s breech, as brass was weaker than iron and could expand when heated. About 1,400 were made between 1862–1864. 20

Civil War Times

SAVAGE NAVY MODEL Caliber: .36 Length: 14.25 inches

COLT MODEL 1851 NAVY Caliber: .36

Length: 13 inches

The Union Army purchased 373,077 handguns during the war, with the Colt Navy considered among the best. The Colt factory produced more than 200,000 Navys during the war years, and would have made more if an 1864 fire at the factory had not slowed production. Colt also produced a heavier .44-caliber Army Model.

REMINGTON NEW MODEL ARMY Caliber: .44

Length: 13.75 inches

Prior to the Civil War, the Remington Arms Company, Colt’s chief competitor, made long arms, only beginning to produce revolvers after 1861. Nonetheless, Remingtons were sturdy pistols that also came in Army and Navy models and proved to be popular with Union troops. Remington produced 115,563 Army models during the conflict.

KERR Caliber: .44 Length: 10.8 inches

Union troops did not like the awkwardly balanced Savage Revolving Firearms Company pistol, made in Middletown, Conn., and it was only produced from 1861–62. The “ring trigger” rotated the cylinder and cocked the hammer at the same time, while a conventional trigger fired the gun.

An English gun imported by the Confederacy, the Kerr revolver featured a five-shot cylinder and a sidemounted hammer. Relatively small for a gun that fired such a hefty charge, it was double action—meaning it could be repeatedly fired by pulling the trigger instead of having to cock the hammer for each shot.

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INTERVIEW

MAIN MEN Ken Burns with Shelby Foote in 1989. Foote appeared more than any other personality in the series.

DOCUMENTARY MASTERPIECE

A QUARTER CENTURY after Ken Burns’ five-part, 11½-hour documentary debuted, The Civil War

will air again this fall—in a restored high-definition version. It required two months of scanning the original footage to create the new edition, which enables viewers to see all the images as Burns himself did. The series has been hailed as a masterpiece of documentary filmmaking, blending archival images and narration with passages from letters and diaries read by renowned actors such as Morgan Freeman as social reformer Frederick Douglass; George Plimpton as the acidic New York diarist George Templeton Strong and Garrison Keillor as poet-turned-nurse Walt Whitman. In 1990 The Civil War was watched by 38 million, setting a viewing record that has so far been unsurpassed. The high-definition version, which will air on PBS stations September 7-11, and will also be available as a DVD and on Blu-Ray, includes bonus footage as well as interviews about making and remastering the documentary. CWT: What can viewers expect from the restoration project? KB: Frame-by-frame transfer to high definition, which will result to sharper, clearer and just more stunningly beautiful images. CWT: Looking back, would you change anything or use any methods from current technology? KB: No, thank goodness. People have succumbed to the use of CGI [computer-generated imagery], and re-creations have become more standard. We really tried to limit that. We wanted the archival record—the actual historical record—to speak for itself. We were criticized, I think correctly, for not doing this general or that battle, or this or that aspect or Congress or American life, but in

a war that took four years and was fought in 10,000 places, you can’t cover everything. So you’re left with taking what you think are symbolic and representative movements that will stand in for all those 10,000 places where the war was fought. CWT: Is there anything you regret leaving on the cutting room floor? KB: Tons. The cutting room floor is never filled with bad stuff; it’s always filled with good stuff. If you remember the movie Amadeus when the empress says, “Too many notes,” it’s always about subtraction; sometimes you take out a moment or a scene that is better than the one adjacent to it, but it didn’t serve the larger purpose. Those are really tough decisions. I love that people

still come up to me after 25 years and say, “You know, what you left out….” Nobody comes up and says, “That was 11½ boring hours.” They say, “What you needed…” and come up with something else. And they’re usually Civil War buffs—and that’s great too because you want them to be experts. But I’ve still got to make the film for a general audience that may not know the difference between Robert E. Lee and U.S. Grant. CWT: Thousands of glass negatives were lost following the war. What image that might have been on one of those plates would you have wanted to find? KB: One of battle! For the greatest war in American history there are a million images; 125,000 survive—and

Civil War Times

23

I’ve seen most of them. And not one of them is of battle. A lot of people say, well, that’s smoke over there…. These were long exposure times, and things were moving fast. So we don’t have that. And I doubt there’s any of that in all those missing images. CWT: How is it you turned to making documentaries when your initial training was in film? KB: I was trained in film—period. But that also included documentary, and all my teachers were documentary still photographers. My dad was also an anthropologist whose hobby was photography. I think there is as much drama in what is and what was than anything the human imagination makes up. That is to say, as Shelby Foote once told me: “God is the greatest dramatist.” Here is Abraham Lincoln triumphantly hearing the news of the surrender at Appomattox, and a few days later, on Good Friday, he decides he has enough time to go to the theater. If you try to sell that to a producer in Hollywood, they say, “Ooohhh, that’s implausible.” I think what you’ve got in a documentary is fresh, not stale plots. That’s a really good thing. CWT: Some of the talking heads you used were unusual. Talk about how James Symington came to recite a poem. KB: I had no idea that Symington, a congressman, would do that. That was one of the great gifts. CWT: And what about Daisy Turner, who I understand was 101 at the time of the filming? KB: Daisy Turner was an accident, too. I went to visit her in Vermont. She was blind and nearly wholly deaf. I tried a few things, but she seemed disoriented. Just when I started to tell the crew to wind it up, she asked, “Do you want to hear ‘The Soldier’s Story’?” I didn’t know what it was, but I was polite and said, “Sure”—and she flawlessly recited from memory all the rhyming couplets of a poem she had committed to memory 90 years

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Civil War Times

‘THIS WAR CAME ABOUT

BECAUSE OF

SLAVERY. EVERYONE TRIES

TO CONVINCE YOU

OTHERWISE.’ before. We divided it up into three parts—sort of a Greek chorus for the entire Battle of Gettysburg, the greatest battle fought in North America. CWT: Tell us about her connection to the Civil War. KB: Daisy’s father had escaped from slavery, made his way north and joined the 1st New Jersey Cavalry, and came back and killed his former overseer. Then moved to Vermont because it had never made slavery legal. CWT: How did you discover so much archival material regarding African Americans? KB: For way too long the Civil War has treated African Americans as passive bystanders to this struggle and not the active, dedicated, self-sacrificing soldiers in this intensely personal drama of self-liberation. It’s one of the best stories I know. One of the hardest things we had to do—and the deepest we had to dig—was to find those narratives. This war came about because of slavery. Everyone tries to convince you otherwise: It’s economic. It’s social. Political differences. States’ rights. It’s about taxation. It’s about representation. But it’s about slavery. It’s about the fact that the United States began its existence proclaiming to the world that all men were created equal, and yet a person who wrote those words owned more than 100 human beings and didn’t see fit to free any one of them in his lifetime—he set in motion an American narrative that

is constantly having to grapple with race. It would bring on the Civil War. It would cause the largest number of deaths. All the deaths from other wars combined do not equal the number of deaths from the Civil War. CWT: What do you say to people who contend the war wasn’t about slavery? KB: I say please look at South Carolina’s Articles of Secession after Lincoln’s First Inauguration. They never once mention states’ rights; they mention slavery over and over again. And we felt it was time to stop making this a story of two groups of people who disagreed and fought and killed each other, and then decided they want to be one. It’s a much more complicated dynamic. The drama is much more dramatic when you tell the more difficult story—when you don’t try to sell a kind of Madison Avenue, sanitized version of it. CWT: How long did it take to assemble the material for the film? KB: We spent five years. CWT: Did you think it would take that long when you started? KB: Pretty much. I’m working on a history of the Vietnam War that, when it’s broadcast in 2017, will be 10 years in the making. It sometimes takes time to do something right. CWT: How did you decide to do The Civil War? KB: I was visiting my dad in western

Michigan, and I had brought him his 2-year-old granddaughter. On the afternoon of Christmas Day, everybody was taking a nap, relaxing, watching TV, and I finished reading The Killer Angels. I put the book down and said to my dad, “I know what my next film is.” And he said, “What?” I said, “the Civil War.” He said, “Oh, what part?” I said, “All of it.” And he just shook his head and walked out of the room like, “My idiot son!” And that was really fun. From then on I ploughed toward that. CWT: How did you settle on Confederate and Union soldiers Sam Watkins and Elijah Hunt Rhodes to carry the film as main protagonists? KB: One was sort of obvious: Sam Watkins, who had published this wonderful Company Aytch [in 1882]. As for Elijah Rhodes: I’ve lived in a tiny town in New Hampshire since 1979, and one of my neighbors was a descendant of Rhodes. One day I was visiting his garage, and he said, “I’ve also published this diary of my great-grandfather.” And I started to read it—oh my God, I thought, this is wonderful. Here is my Union grunt. So the wonderful thing that Sam Watkins did, as we see in the introduction, Elijah Hunt Rhodes also did: They started in the beginning, and they lived to tell the tale. CWT: Why are the accounts of common soldier-survivors important? KB: More often than not we’re distracted by the morose and the tragic—and there’s lots to be morose and tragic about in the Civil War— but these guys survived it. They brought out of it a kind of memory of the war that is so direct and honest that it’s a great thing. CWT: Civil War soldiers were remarkably literate. KB: It is really remarkable. This was a war fought by two very literate armies who saw things differently, and they wrote home in a way that we don’t now. We tweet at 140 characters and we do abbreviations, but we don’t

write letters. Many of us don’t even know how to write a letter. These people did, and so you have access to them. While it seems different because we don’t do things like that, they also seem really familiar. Human nature never changes. The Bible says it: There’s nothing new under the sun. You have great examples of generosity and greed; you have puritanism and prurience on exhibit in the past. I think what I felt is: Why just have a narrator tell you? Why can’t you hear in the way they spoke from love letters to military dispatches, from newspapers to government records. All of them reveal much more than just the surface of what they’re saying. CWT: How did you come across Sullivan Ballou’s beautiful love letter to his wife? KB: We had more than two dozen historical advisers, some of the greatest writers of history, period. Not just Shelby Foote, but many other people, representing a spectrum of belief, from Marxist historians to Conservative historians of the Lost Cause, if that is the correct way to describe them. One of them who’s now passed away—Robert Johannsen of the University of Illinois, I believe—found it in the Illinois State Archives. I was sort of haranguing them about documentary material at a consultants’ meeting, and all of a sudden this ended up on our doorstep. I read it out loud, and everybody cried, and my voice caught itself. It was great. CWT: Your film is what put it out there for the public, and for history. KB: We tried to do that at every step of the way: to be honest about what was going on and see it from the Southern as well as the Northern perspective. I have relatives who fought on both sides. It is the most important event in all of American history. Everything that came before it led up to it, and everything that came since has been a consequence. All the films I had done before this—Brooklyn Bridge, The Shakers, The Statue of Liberty, Huey Long, The

BURNS’ BIG NAMES These “talking heads” drove the series with their anecdotes, facts and charisma. ED BEARSS: At 92, this Chief Historian Emeritus for the National Park Service is still a sought-after battlefield guide. BARBARA FIELDS: A professor of history at Columbia University, Fields is currently at work on a history of slavery and emancipation. SHELBY FOOTE: The acclaimed novelist and historian who wrote The Civil War: A Narrative, died in 2005, at age 89. STEPHEN B. OATES: This retired University of Massachusetts professor wrote books on Lincoln, Clara Barton, John Brown and Nat Turner. JAMES SYMINGTON: Symington was a Missouri congressman when he was filmed. He is now 88 and retired.

DAISY TURNER: Turner was 101 when she appeared in the series. She died in 1988 at age 104, before the series aired.

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‘THIS WAS A WAR FOUGHT BY TWO VERY

LITERATE ARMIES WHO SAW THINGS DIFFERENTLY,

AND THEY WROTE HOME IN A WAY

THAT WE DON’T NOW.’ Congress, Thomas Hart Benton—all those narratives, chosen randomly and haphazardly, had a central determining force: the Civil War. That’s what drove me to do it. Every thread unravels to the Civil War. All the things we talk about, Ferguson or Baltimore or Sanford, Fla., or Oklahoma City. These are all vestiges of what caused the Civil War: our inability to see people based on the content of their character, as Dr. Martin Luther King said, rather than on the color of their skin. CWT: On that subject: I was impressed with your 2011 documentary on the Central Park Five—the story

of five black and Latino teenagers accused and falsely convicted in 1990 of raping a jogger in Central Park. KB: My daughter Sarah was really the guiding force for that, along with her husband David McMann, the great filmmaker, and myself. I remember—when she was too young to remember—I was editing The Civil War in New York City, and reading the tabloids every day. I thought they did it, and I was shaking my head, saying, “What’s going to happen to cities, what’s happened to families?” I now know these guys intimately, and they were and are all good people. They served out a full sentence for a crime they didn’t commit. There are

EMOTIONAL JOURNEY The series captured both the glory and the horror of the war.

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Civil War Times

still people who would prefer to say— you know, “Well, they must have done something.” Well, they actually paid for the worst crime that happened that night, and we know they didn’t do that. “Well, they must have done something.” What it says is the thing that propelled us into the Civil War is still here: the question of race. CWT: The timing for this restoration project is perfect. KB: We’re really thrilled about this kind of harmonic convergence. It is 150 years since the end of the Civil War. We’ve passed the important anniversary dates in April and May, and this September we will be able to say it’s 25 years since our film was first broadcast, 150 years since the Civil War. If you want to know who you are, you have to know where you’ve been, and the most important place we’ve been is not Philadelphia 1776, not Normandy 1944, not the World Trade Center 2001—all those are hugely important moments, but beginning at Fort Sumter in 1861 and going to Ford’s Theatre in 1865 is the way we understand best who we are. Then there’s the fact that PBS and our underwriter, Bank of America, and the Corporation for Public Broadcasting have been willing to pay for this restoration, frame by frame, of an 11½-hour film. There are 24 frames per second. That’s a lot of painstaking restoration, and we’ll have it for another generation. As we’re talking, it’s a school day in America. I’m told that 2,500 classes will be looking at part of The Civil War series. And that’s very heartening. ✯

NOSTALGIA One of the series’ original promotional images, which curiously includes a modern Bronze Star medal.

GEORGIA CIVIL WAR PRISONS Camp Sumter Magnolia Springs State Park - Camp Lawton

Fort Pulaski National Monument

Andersonville National Historic Site

Blackshear Prisoner of War Camp

Thomasville Prisoner of War Camp

Confederate prisoners under guard

Commander of the Confederate Bureau of Prisons, General John H. Winder

During the Civil War, 16 prisoner of war camps for both Union and Confederate soldiers were located in Georgia. Five of those prison camps can be visited today. As the Civil War progressed and the number of captured soldiers increased exponentially, prisoner of war camps near the front lines in Virginia became overcrowded. The Confederate government began constructing prison camps far away from the front lines in South Carolina, Alabama and Georgia. In February 1864, the war’s most notorious prison, Camp Sumter at Andersonville, Ga., began receiving its first prisoners. By August 1864, Andersonville was well over capacity with 33,000 inmates in its confines. More than 13,000 would eventually die there, and many were buried at the Andersonville National Cemetery. As the fighting moved into Georgia in May 1864 with the Atlanta Campaign and the March to the Sea, Confederate prison authorities knew that Andersonville would

be a prime target for Union forces. They began moving Union prisoners to more secure locations around the state. Prisoners were held at:

For more about Civil War prisons, download the new Guide to Georgia Civil War Prisons and watch the video at GaCivilWar.org.

CONTROVERSIAL COLORS The Confederate battle flag is at the center of a storm over its meaning and symbolism. This banner of the 57th Virginia Infantry was captured at Gettysburg.

IF YOU ARE A REGULAR READER OF CIVIL WAR TIMES, the Confederate

battle flag is a familiar part of your world. The symbolism of the flag is simple and straightforward: It represents the Confederate side in the war that you enjoy studying. ¶ More than likely, your knowledge of the flag has expanded and become more sophisticated over the years. At some point, you learned that the Confederate battle flag was not, in fact, “the Confederate flag” and was not known as the “Stars and Bars.” That name properly belongs to the first national flag of the Confederacy. ¶ If you studied the war in the Western and Trans-Mississippi theaters, you learned that “Confederate battle flag” is a misnomer. Many Confederate units served under battle flags that looked nothing like the red flag with the star-studded blue cross. ¶ You may have grown up with more than just an idle knowledge of the flag’s association with the Confederacy and its armies, but also with a reverence for the flag because of its association with Confederate ancestors. If you didn’t, your interest in the war likely brought you into contact with people who have a strong emotional connection with the flag. ¶ And, at some point in your life, you became aware that not everyone shared your perception of the Confederate flag. If you weren’t aware of this before, the unprecedented flurry of events and of public reaction to them that occurred in June 2015 have raised obvious questions that all students of Civil War history must confront: Why do people have such different and often conflicting perceptions of what the Confederate flag means, and how did those different meanings evolve? By

John m. coski

Civil War Times

31

T

he flag as we know it was born not as a symbol,

but as a very practical banner. The commanders of the Confederate army in Virginia (then known at the Army of the Potomac) sought a distinctive emblem as an alternative to the Confederacy’s first national flag—the Stars and Bars—to serve as a battle flag. The Stars and Bars, which the Confederate Congress had adopted in March 1861 because it resembled the once-beloved Stars and Stripes, proved impractical and even dangerous on the battlefield because of that resemblance. (That problem was what compelled Confederate commanders to design and employ the vast array of other battle flags used among Confederate forces throughout the war.) Battle flags become totems for the men who serve under them, for their esprit de corps, for their sacrifices. They assume emotional significance for soldiers’ families and their descendants. Anyone today hoping to understand why so many Americans consider the flag an object of veneration must understand its status as a memorial to the Confederate soldier. It is, however, impossible to carve out a kind of symbolic safe zone for the Confederate battle flag as the flag of the soldier because it did not remain exclusively the flag of the soldier. By the act of the Confederate government, the battle flag’s meaning is inextricably intertwined with the Confederacy itself and, thus, with the issues of slavery and states’ rights—over which readers of Civil War Times and the American public as a whole engage in spirited and endless debate. By 1862, many Southern leaders scorned

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Civil War Times

HAPPY DELEGATES Dixiecrats jubilantly wave Confederate flags at their 1948 Birmingham, Ala., convention.

the Stars and Bars for the same reason that had prompted the flag’s adoption the year before: it too closely resembled the Stars and Stripes. As the war intensified and Southerners became Confederates, they weaned themselves from symbols of the old Union and sought a new symbol that spoke to the Confederacy’s “confirmed independence.” That symbol was the Confederate battle flag. Historian Gary Gallagher has written persuasively that it was Robert E. Lee’s Army of Northern Virginia, not the Confederate

bolizes the struggles of men

government, that best embodied Confederate nationalism. Lee’s stunning victories in 1862–63 made his army’s battle flag the popular choice as the new national flag. On May 1, 1863, the Confederacy adopted a flag—known colloquially as the Stainless Banner— featuring the ANV battle flag emblazoned on a white field. For the remainder of the Confederacy’s life, the soldiers’ flag was also, in effect, the national flag. IF ALL CONFEDERATE FLAGS had been furled once and for all in 1865, they would still be contentious symbols as long as people still argue about the Civil War, its causes and its conduct. But the Confederate flag did not pass once and for all into the realm of history in 1865. And for that reason, we must examine how it has been used and perceived since then if we wish to understand the reactions that it evokes today. The flag never ceased being the flag of the Confederate soldier and still today commands wide respect as a memorial to the Confederate soldier. The history of the flag since 1865 is marked by the accumulation of additional meanings based on additional uses. Within a decade of the end of the war (even before the end of Reconstruction in 1877), white Southerners began using the Confederate flag as a memorial symbol for fallen heroes. By the turn of the 20th century, during the so-called “Lost Cause” movement in which white Southerners formed organizations, erected and dedicated monuments, and propagated a Confederate history of the “War Between the States,” Confederate flags proliferated in the South’s public life. Far from being suppressed, the Confederate version of history and Confederate symbols became mainstream in the postwar South. The Confederate national flags were part of that mainstream, but the battle flag was clearly preeminent. The United Confederate Veterans (UCV) issued a report in 1904 defining the square ANV pattern flag as the Confederate battle flag, effectively writing out of the historical record the wide variety of battle flags under which Confederate soldiers had served. The efforts of the UCV and the United Daughters of the Confederacy (UDC) to promote that “correct” battle flag pattern over the “incorrect” rectangular pattern (the Army of Tennessee’s or the naval jack) were frustrated by the public’s demand for rectangular versions that could serve as the Confederate equivalent of the Stars and Stripes. What is remarkable looking back from the 21st century is that, from the 1870s and into the 1940s, Confederate heritage organizations used the flag widely in their rituals memorializing and celebrating the Confederacy and its heroes, yet managed to maintain effective ownership of the flag and its meaning. The flag was a familiar part of the South’s symbolic landscape, but how and where it was used was controlled. Hints of change were evident by the early 20th century. The battle flag had emerged not only as the most popular symbol of the Confederacy, but also of the South more generally. By the 1940s, as Southern men mingled

Manassas, Shiloh, Chickamauga and Gettysburg. But there is no denying

EMMANUEL DABNEY

National Park Service curator, battlef ield guide and devoted Southerner JOHN COSKI recently said during a presentation about , “this symbol has an accretion of meanings across time and across different people.” My own ancestry is a combination of people of African and European descent. My mother and her parents attended segregated schools in Southside Virginia. My great-great-great-grandmother and her children were free blacks before the war, but they lived in constant fear of slave patrollers—and were unable to obtain a legal education or vote. My great-great-great-grandfather, however, was a white slaveholder and the father of my third great-grandmother’s children. Through that branch of my family I am also connected with many Confederate soldiers and two members of Virginia’s 1861 Secession Convention. It is true that many Confederate troops did not own black people. But the Confederate leaders did not stutter when it came to their support of slavery and white supremacy. a gamble by 11 states (and another two states with representation in the Confederate Congress) to create a separate slaveholding republic. It sym-

during the war’s bitter aftermath and Reconstruction and its use by 20th-century white supremacist groups. That same banner, in addition to images of Robert E. Lee , was hoisted high during the 1948 “Dixiecrats” convention in Birmingham, Ala., held because of opposition to Harry Truman’s advocacy of a civil rights plank in the Democratic Party platform. Then there’s the viewpoint of all those people who marched for access to the ballot. Some of those same individuals were spit on for trying to order a sandwich at a lunch counter, or were called “Niggers” because they sought access to a truly equal education. , and variations thereof, with understandable contempt. We cannot ignore America’s long history of prejudice. Because the Confederate battle that prejudice, the call to remove it from public display is warranted in government spaces such as the grounds of the South Carolina Capitol. Origiand exhibited in museums. public display in South Carolina or Mississippi does not resolve issues such as equal access to the ballot box. It does not change the fact that this nation still jails disproportionate numbers of minorities, or mitigate the unfairness of the justice system for those people, or improve the way they are treated after they have served their time. I am interested in resolving actual problems, so we can move beyond arguing about a piece of fabric. We need to acknowledge America’s long history of biases. But we also need to make sure we do not further contribute to divisiveness.

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SYMBOLS OF

REBELLION

Confederate armies in the east used the square battle flag from 1862 until the war ended.

The first national flag, g the Stars and Bars, was used in 1861, but fell out of favor because it resembled the U.S. flag.

Adopted p on Mayy 1, 1863, the second national flag, g the Stainless Banner, incorporated the battle flag in its canton.

A red fly edge was added to the Stainless Banner in March 1865, but this flag saw limited use.

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more frequently with non-Southerners in the U.S. Armed Forces and met them on the gridiron, they expressed their identity as Southerners with Confederate battle flags. The flag’s appearance in conjunction with Southern collegiate football was auspicious. College campuses are often incubators of cultural change, and they apparently were for the battle flag. This probably is owed to the Kappa Alpha Order, a Southern fraternity founded at Washington College (now Washington and Lee University) in 1865, when R.E. Lee was its president. A Confederate memorial organization in its own right, Kappa Alpha was also a fraternity and introduced Confederate symbols into collegiate life. It was in the hands of students that the flag burst onto the political scene in 1948. Student delegates from Southern colleges and universities waved battle flags on the floor of the Southern States Rights Party convention in July 1948. The so-called “Dixiecrat” Party formed in protest to the Democratic Party convention’s adoption of a civil rights plank. The Confederate flag became a symbol of protest against civil rights and in support of Jim Crow segregation. It also became the object of a high-profile, youth-driven nationwide phenomenon that the media dubbed the “flag fad.” Many pundits suspected that underlying the fad was a lingering “Dixiecrat” sentiment. African-American newspapers decried the flag’s unprecedented popularity within the Armed Forces as a source of dangerous division at a time when America needed to be united against Communism. But most observers concluded that the flag fad was another manifestation of youth-driven material culture. Confederate heritage organizations correctly perceived the Dixiecrat movement and the flag fad as a profound threat to their ownership of the Confederate flag. The UDC in November 1948 condemned use of the flag “in certain demonstrations of college groups and some political groups” and launched a formal effort to protect the flag from “mis-use.” Several Southern states subsequently passed laws to punish “desecration” of the Confederate flag. All those efforts proved futile. In the decades after the flag fad, the Confederate flag became, as one Southern editor wrote, “confetti in careless hands.” Instead of being used almost exclusively for memorializing the Confederacy and its soldiers, the flag became fodder for beach towels, t-shirts, bikinis, diapers and baubles of every description. While the UDC continued to condemn the proliferation of such kitsch, it became so commonplace that, over time, others subtly changed their definition of “protecting” the flag to defending the right to wear and display the very items that they once defined as desecration. As the dam burst on Confederate flag material culture and heritage groups lost control of the flag, it acquired a new identity as a symbol of “rebellion” divorced from the historical context of the Confederacy. Truckers, motorcycle riders and “good ol’ boys” (most famously depicted in the popular television show The Dukes of Hazzard) gave the flag a new meaning that transcends the South and even the United States.

THE CONFEDERATE does not belong anywhere near a public statehouse. It should be displayed within its historical context, such as at museums, reenactments, living histories, etc. It is also, I believe, appropriate to own one if you are an avid historian and lover of the time period, but take care to remember and be sensitive about what it can symbolize to others. That being said, after a lengthy discussion in our home, I had to furl the small

LARS PRILLAMAN

organic farmer, f iddler and living historian

displayed with other Civil War memorabilia. I now feel as though I’ve hidden away my lineage in a dresser drawer. It’s a battle I can’t win. I’m sorry, all you Prillaman boys in the 57th Virginia Infantry, who laid it all on the line so many times, captured at the Angle at Gettysburg with your proud colors and re-

Meanwhile, as the civil rights movement gathered force, especially in the wake of the U.S. Supreme Court’s 1954 Brown v. Board of Education decision, defenders of segregation increasingly employed the use of the battle flag as a symbol of their cause. Most damaging to the flag’s reputation was its use in the hands of the Ku Klux Klan. Although founded by Confederate veterans almost immediately after the Civil War, the KKK did not use the Confederate flag widely or at all in its ritual in the 1860s and 1870s or during its rebirth and nationwide popularity from 1915 to the late 1920s. Only with a second rebirth in the late 1930s and 1940s did the battle flag take hold in the Klan. ANYONE TODAY hoping to understand why so many African Americans and others perceive the Confederate flag as a symbol of hate must recognize the impact of the flag’s historical use by white supremacists. The Civil Rights Era has profoundly affected the history of the Confederate flag in several ways. The flag’s use as a symbol of white supremacy has framed the debate over the flag ever since. Just as important, the triumph of civil rights restored African Americans to full citizenship and restored their role in the ongoing process of deciding what does and does not belong on America’s public symbolic landscape. Americans 50 or older came of age when a symbolic

turned to service because you had conviction. I believe you were wrong in your cause. But I believe you fought for that , because at heart you were Americans. Rest in peace. You will not be forgotten, and I won’t allow anyone to tarnish you or shove shame down my throat. at your graves, alongside an . You were both. You can claim both. As William Faulkner famously wrote in Intruder in the Dust, “For every Southern boy fourteen years old, not once but whenever he wants it, there is the instant when it’s still not yet two o’clock on that July afternoon in 1863, the brigades are in position behind the rail fence, the guns are laid and ready in the are already loosened to break out and Pickett himself with

his long oiled ringlets and his hat in one hand probably and his sword in the other looking up the hill waiting for Longstreet to give the word and it’s all in the balance, it hasn’t happened yet, it hasn’t even begun yet....” There is an internalized and inherited sense of loss in us Southerners. Shelby Foote spoke of this in several interviews. Some things, perhaps, we shouldn’t have held on to, but I think even those of us who wish to be sensitive to others’ feelings on those symbols just get tired of the sense of losing. Even in our own living rooms. My ancestors in the 57th Virginia Infantry served under . Prillamans were captured, killed and wounded following that banner. I hate the cause that they stood for, proud that they stood.

landscape dotted with Confederate flags, monuments and street names was the status quo. That status quo was of course the result of a prolonged period in which African Americans were effectively excluded from the process of shaping the symbolic landscape. As African Americans gained political power, they challenged—and disrupted— that status quo. The history of the flag over the last half-century has involved a seemingly endless series of controversies at the local, state and national levels. Over time, the trend has been to reduce the flag’s profile on the symbolic landscape, especially on anyplace that could be construed as public property. As students of history, we tend to think of it as something that happens in the past and forget that history is happening now and that we are actors on the historical stage. Because the Confederate battle flag did not fade into history in 1865, it was kept alive to take on new uses and new meanings and to continue to be part of an ever-changing history. As much as students of Civil War history may wish that we could freeze the battle flag in its Civil War context, we know that we must study the flag’s entire history if we wish to understand the history that is happening around us today. Studying the flag’s full history also allows us to engage in a more constructive dialogue about its proper place in the present and in the future. ✯

John M. Coski is the author of The Confederate Battle Flag: America’s Most Embattled Emblem (Harvard University Press, 2005).

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THE WAR IN THEIR WORDS

‘Every step we made, some soldier fell’ By

keith bohannon

GEORGIAN J.A. CALDWELL VIVIDLY REMEMBERED THE SACRIFICE OF HIS REGIMENT AND ITS GREAT LOSS ON GETTYSBURG'S SECOND DAY

HIGH PRICE Confederate dead near Gettysburg’s Rose’s Woods, not far from where the 9th Georgia charged on July 2, 1863.

STRUCK DOWN Brigadier General George “Tige” Anderson had to leave the field on July 2 after he was hit in the thigh. He returned to action in September 1863. A wartime belt buckle, opposite, displays the Georgia state seal.

THE FOLLOWING ACCOUNT of the Battle of Gettysburg by John A. Caldwell appeared in the September 1890 issue of Confederate Veteran, a short-lived magazine published in Atlanta. Caldwell enlisted in June 1861 in the 9th Georgia Infantry and spent much of 1862 and the first half of 1863 as a quartermaster clerk. He was back in the ranks by the time of the Gettysburg Campaign. Caldwell’s regiment was on the far left of General John Bell Hood’s Division during its assault on Gettysburg’s second day. When the 9th Georgia and the rest of Brig. Gen. George T. “Tige” Anderson’s Brigade advanced across the Emmitsburg Road and through several hundred yards of open ground, the men came under heavy fire from Union batteries stationed to the north near the Peach Orchard. The Georgians gained some protection from the shells upon entering Rose’s Woods, where they moved across broken ground covered with large rocks. Approaching the edge of the Wheatfield close to Stony Hill, the 9th encountered lines of Union infantry. Eventually Anderson ordered a withdrawal back through Rose’s Woods, but during subsequent Confederate assaults Anderson’s Georgians and several brigades from Maj. Gen. Lafayette McLaws’ Division drove the Federals back to the slopes of Little Round Top. At some point early in the fighting, Caldwell was severely wounded in the foot. He eventually made it to a field hospital, likely the John E. Plank Farm, where the wounded of Hood’s Division were gathered. Caldwell’s injury kept him from further active duty with the 9th Georgia. In his pension claim, filed in 1902, he claimed that he had received a discharge in October 1863. His service record suggests instead that Caldwell tried and failed in February 1864 to obtain a discharge, remaining on the rolls of his regiment as late as February 1865. Regardless of whether he obtained a discharge from the 9th, Caldwell stated in his pension claim that at the war’s end he was in Athens, Ga., serving in a battalion of state reserve cavalry.

A

t two o’clock a.m., on the second of July 1863, our camp was aroused by the “Long Roll.” I belonged to the Co. G, Ninth Georgia Volunteer Infantry, Tige Anderson’s Brigade, Hood’s Division, Longstreet’s Corps. I remember in the early dawn passing the Mississippians in camp. They cheered us with their elegant band playing “Dixie.” We defiled around to the base of a hill, crossing a bridge, and finally resting on the top of this hill. While resting here, many of our boys foraged around, and some of them brought in jars of apple butter, which was a most elegant relish for our camp fare. It was perhaps ten o’clock in the day; we were near General Lee, who was sitting on his bald-faced sorrel, with field glass, viewing the position of the enemy. Then we got orders to move.

We marched a mile or two to take our positions for the battle. We advanced too far to the right, and were exposed to the sharpshooters and guns of the enemy. Before we reached any cover, one shell cut out a file in front of me, while we were marching by the flank, and the shot and shell came very fast on our column. We were immediately ordered, as soon as the enemy had our range, to front and advance. Just about this time a half-witted private in Company B took to his heels. His Captain sending him off, he ran like a scared rabbit, and we all yelled at him. We took position at the base of a hill, which was some protection. Here Lieutenant-Colonel [ John Clarke] M[o]unger would walk up and down our line begging the soldiers to lie down. He was a kind, brave old man. Our boys would reply, “Colonel, why don’t you lie down? You might get hit.” Here I saw a cannon ball or shell take the right leg of Gen-

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LONG RUN The 9th Georgia covered a lot of ground on July 2, fighting all the way to Plum Run.

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eral Anderson’s orderly [Private Jackson B. Giles] off midway his thigh. He was holding his and the General’s horses very near us, and the fright and struggle of the horses to get away kept him balanced and hopping around on one leg for several moments. Soon General Hood was borne to the rear, having been wounded in the arm…. Soon we began to advance. As well as I remember, about two o’clock p.m., we had gone so far to the right it was necessary to oblique in order to fill the intervening space between the corps on our left. Every step we made, some soldier fell, either killed or wounded. Well do I remember the file on my left was struck with a shell and shot out, scattering the blood and brains over me.

Only one little “oh!” and two brave comrades were dead. Poor Hard[en] Williams and Will[iam] Dickerson composed this file. My brother Jim was my file leader. On we advanced through the orchard, the enemy well posted and pouring a galling fire upon us. I never heard any order to fire, but as our regiment was on the extreme left, we were receiving such a terrific enfilading fire, we opened on their first line at about seventy-five yards with a yell. Then the whole division fired, and no battle was ever fought where musketry did such havoc. In the full tilt of our charging column, one private of Company I stopped to proul [sic] a dead Yank, and holding up a twentydollar gold piece, says, “Look here,” and all

SLOW BUT STEADY A fellow officer found Maj. Gen. Lafayette McLaws “not brilliant in the field,” but considered him steadfast—and one who “could always be counted on.”

the while the heavens were fairly darkened with flying missiles of death. Two lines of the enemy were driven before us; they had been protected by stone fences. We mounted these fences, and were rushing headlong on their reserves, when I saw the gallant [Captain] George Hillyer with musket in hand, having thrown away his sword, calling for followers to meet the flanking foe. We had orders read every day from General Lee after we got into Pennsylvania, instructing what manoevres [sic] should be used in events of this kind. I never meet this noble and brave man as he walks along the street with his peculiar swinging gait, that the Battle of Gettysburg does not come before me, and I see the gallant [Captain], who, in the din of battle, could only [sic] a squad of about fifteen men to change front and meet the flank movement. Yet he did a service there, though history may never record it, which was cool and grave, showing the sagacity of a cool and brave officer, and I gladly bear testimony to his conduct on that bloody field. The Ninth Georgia went into battle with three hundred men and forty-four officers, after calling in all who had been detailed for commissary and quartermasters purposes. Next morning we only had ninety-nine men and fifteen officers, a loss of more than two-thirds. These facts are from the Orderly’s roll taken from the Acting Adjutant. General Hood being wounded before the battle commenced, the Division was commanded by Brig.-Gen. [Evander] Law,

of Alabama. General Tige Anderson was wounded, and I believe every Brigadier-General of our division was either killed or wounded. Dear, brave old Colonel M[o]unger fell at the head of his column, shot through the head. Captain [Edward F.] Hoge was wounded early in the battle. Myself and brother were both wounded. Here I would pay tribute to a gallant comrade. Orderly-Sergeant [ James] Sam Wardlaw, seeing me fall, ran to my side and says, “Oh John, our men are all killed or wounded.” Just then I espied a Yank behind a tree, not a rod from us, deliberately aiming at us. I told Sam to kill him. He got my gun, which had the ramrod in it and rammed the cartridge home, and deliberately waited for Mr. Yank to peep from behind the tree, and just as he did, Sam fired, peeling the bark from the tree just where the fellow’s head was, though he did not kill him. But seeing we had discovered his position, he ran to the rear, and we saw no more of him. At this juncture we heard the command to re-form. Sam says, “John, we must get away from here, else in the next charge we will both be killed by our own men. Here we could plainly see our shattered column, re-forming under the hottest fire, and the line as perfect as if on dress parade. Such a sight I never before saw, and I presume few soldiers ever did as good a line under as hot a fire. From loss of blood I had grown faint; my noble comrade cut the belt from my waist and, though wounded himself, dragged me out of the

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SOLDIERS IN

SWALLOWTAIL

COATS

John Caldwell’s company, the LaFayette Volunteers, which later became Company G of the 9th Georgia, organized in the spring of 1861 in LaFayette, Ga. While camping outside of LaFayette, the men considered the need for uniforms. Spencer Marsh, a prominent merchant, donated whitish material that was soaked several days in vats at a local tannery. The cloth turned a yellowish-tan color. J.H. Rogers, a LaFayette tailor, then measured the volunteers and cut out the pieces for their suits. There were only two sewing machines in LaFayette, but many women eagerly assisted in making the uniforms. “The work was not easy,” remembered one of the ladies, “as the goods at best were heavy and hard to manage. The dying did not make it any softer.” Nonetheless, the women’s patriotic zeal kept them at work, sometimes laboring late into night by lamplight. The completed uniform coats were “swallow tail, or claw hammer.” The coat fronts featured black velvet stripes, as well as a broad stripe of black velvet down the outside leg of the trousers. These uniforms made the company conspicuous wherever they went, remembered one LaFayette woman, and the men were the target of many witticisms. “The boys took all in good part,” the lady noted, “giving back in like manner as they received.” K.B.

Sergeant Russell M. Cassady, who served in the same company as John Caldwell, wears Company G’s homemade uniform in this 1861 image.

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jaws of death. I would try to hop, and everything turned green, and down I would fall. I insisted on dear old Sam saving himself, but he would not desert me. He would clear obstructions from before me, and then with his arms around me, literally dragged me along. At one time, just as I fell fainting, a shell exploded within two feet of me, and threw about a bushel of dirt over me, almost blinding Sam, and again I exhorted him to save himself; still he would not abandon me. And just then McLaws’ Division came to our relief, and were tearing down and mounting over the stone fence. Sam dashed ahead and made a gap for me, and pulled me through, where exhausted we lay for some time listening to the raging battle. McLaws’ Division fully covered the space on our left, and we had just re-formed, and the two divisions with one desperate onslaught drove the enemy to their reserve, capturing many guns and men. Soon my comrade started on with me to the rear. We made but poor speed: we had grown thirsty. Sam went to a branch and brought me water, and then for the first time examined my wounds, ripping open the sock and pants, as the bones fell out. He asked me what to do with the bones. I only remarked, “Oh! Sam, my dancing days are over,” at which he laughed. Soon two of our men came near us escorting a prisoner. He had a field tent-fly around him. Sam and the others took this and tied it to two rails, and soon made a good litter, and bore me to the road where the wounded were being taken. Then my friend looked up an ambulance, and at twelve o’clock at night I was carried to the field hospital. Here every one belonging to the medical staff was very hard at work amputating limbs. No wounds were dressed. Dr. [Robert M.] Terrel[l], our surgeon, looked at my wound, saying, “Old fellow, they got you too. Take a good swig of this,” handing me a canteen of brandy: “I cannot stop to dress these wounds.” His sleeves were rolled up, and his arms and hands all bloody from his work. We had much difficulty in getting water. It required an order from a surgeon to get a drop. I wrote many water orders for wounded comrades. Here we saw some of the heartless savagery of war. Next morning when [Maj. Gen. George] Pickett’s division commenced his renowned charge, the enemy commenced shelling our field hospital. Shells fell in our midst for hours. Those able to walk sought shelter beyond range of their guns. Brother Jim endeavored to help me away, but I could not go, had to remain and take my chances with the rest. Here I saw a soldier wholay [sic] breathing, with his brains protruding above his eyes, by a gun shot wound in his forehead. He lay perfectly calm, breathing hard, yet never a groan or complaint. He was of Company D, named [ James W.] Mann. He lived about forty-eight hours in this horrible condition, the broiling sun pouring his scorching rays upon him. No shelter, no friendly hand to soothe or fan his brow. The desperate charge of Pickett ended in failure, as we all expected. The enemy were too well posted to be dislodged. The next day we were started to the rear. All who could walk were compelled to go and guard the wounded on the train. Only those wounded so badly that they could not walk were

BLOODY TRIO The 9th Georgia’s battle-worn banner carries the honors of Malvern Hill, Sharpsburg and Gettysburg. Those three engagements claimed a total of 28,063 Confederate casualties. hauled, and our transportation was only such as could be improvised, common road wagons filled with straw. I made a swing with a towel tied to the bow of the wagon for my wounded leg, and we got along very well. General [ John D.] Imboden was in charge of the train for the wounded, and he had to fight every inch of his way back to the Potomac [River] at Williamsport. I saw from my wagon a charge by a squad of his cavalry on that of the enemy. One gallant Virginian shot one and unhorsed another in a twinkling. We, the badly wounded, were armed and would assist all we could by firing from the wagons, and cheering the other boys. Many of [the] wounded guard had only one good arm or hand, yet they could shoot. Thus we fought our way back. At Williamsport the enemy was met and repulsed by Captain J[ohn] Y. Wood, of the Eleventh Georgia, who, though himself, shot in the head, gathered about sixty wounded and convalescent men, and charged the attacking Yankees, killing some

of them and driving the rest back. This battle was the turning point in this bloody internecine struggle. The Virginia army never recovered from this blow. Our loss had been terrible. It seemed that courage could brook and master everything, yet being so greatly inferior in men, in means, in the appurtenances and appliances of war, ’twas useless to struggle longer. Yet the many hard fought battles that followed indicated the determined courage of the Southern army. My dear friend, Sam Wardlaw, came to bid me good-bye. He reported only seven men, two non-commissioned officers and one lieutenant. He was Orderly and was shot through the calf of the leg; never stopped, but gallant brave, boy, stuck with the balance of the brave seven till the last. Poor Sam fell afterwards at Knoxville, both legs shot off by cannon shell. None braver, none nobler ever lived or died, and his noble spirit is, I trust, reveling in that sphere where the good and brave enjoy the reward of the just. ✯

‘Old fellow, they got you too. Take a good swig of this,’ handing me a canteen of brandy: ‘I cannot stop to dress these wounds.’ His sleeves were rolled up, and his arms and hands all bloody from his work.

Keith Bohannon teaches Civil War history at the University of West Georgia in Carrollton, Ga. The co-editor of Campaigning With Old Stonewall: Confederate Captain Ujanirtus Allen’s Letters to His Wife (LSU Press, 1998), he has authored numerous essays and articles.

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MOVING PICTURES

PHOTOGRAPHERS DRAGGED A CORPSE ACROSS THE BATTLEFIELD

IN ORDER TO CREATE ONE OF GETTYSBURG’S MOST

FAMOUS IMAGES Excerpted from BATTLE LINES: A Graphic History of the Civil War, by Jonathan Fetter-Vorm and Ari Kelman. Published by Hill and Wang, a division of Farrar, Straus and Giroux, LLC. Text copyright 2015 by Ari Kelman and Jonathan FetterVorm. Illustrations copyright 2015 by Jonathan FetterVorm. All rights reserved.

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IN ABE’S HONOR The Liberty Ship Abraham Lincoln slides off the ways on December 12, 1942, after its christening by Kentucky schoolgirl Frances Cagle.

Blue and Gray Help Win World War II

✯ scores of liberty ships named

for civil war notables

bolstered the allied war effort It was a familiar scene during World War II: With a crash of glass as a champagne bottle burst against a gray hull, a homely “Liberty Ship” slid down the rails, ready to haul Allied cargo or troops around the war-torn globe. Some 2,170 Liberty Ships were built between 1941 and 1945 as America’s “Arsenal of Democracy” ramped up to meet the critical need to supply the Allied cause. By

noah andre trudeau

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FAST TRACK A swarm of workers lays down the hull of one of the 2,170 Liberty Ships (above). Configured (opposite) to carry 10,000 tons of troops and/or cargo, many were built in less than 40 days.

T

he Liberty Ship program also resulted in the greatest number of memorials to Civil War figures from a single source in U.S. history, each costing an average of $1.6 million, as at least 55 ships were named after personalities who wore Blue and 31 who wore Gray. Another 50plus were named after civilians who had played starring or supporting roles during the Civil War era. The U.S. Maritime Commission decreed there would be no duplication with existing or planned ship names, and none would be tagged after living individuals. The internal name selection process was subject to external influences, including regional sensibilities, and 18 shipyards in 12 states above and below the Mason-Dixon Line were used. The result was a roster including many of the war’s usual suspects, but which also spotlighted some lesser-known individuals. More ships were named after Union soldiers than Confederates, but the Army of Northern Virginia still scored very well. Robert E. Lee’s name had already been claimed by a 1924 steamship, but tributes to all the army’s corps commanders Jubal A. Early, Richard S. Ewell, John B. Gordon, A.P. Hill, T.J. “Stonewall” Jackson and James Longstreet, as well as chief cavalrymen J.E.B. Stuart, Wade Hampton and Fitzhugh Lee, steamed across the oceans. Those name selections may have been helped by the fact that Douglass Southall Freeman’s famous Lee’s Lieutenants: A Study in Command first appeared in annual installments beginning in 1942. The names of U.S. Grant and William Tecumseh Sherman were

already in use, but Generals Abner Doubleday, John Gibbon, Andrew A. Humphreys and John Sedgwick represented the Army of the Potomac. Other Union heavyweights on the launch list included Ambrose E. Burnside, Joseph Hooker, George B. McClellan, Irvin McDowell, George Meade, William S. Rosecrans, Winfield Scott, Philip H. Sheridan and George H. Thomas. There were also some interesting combinations that seem to indicate someone knowledgeable about the conflict helped name the vessels. For instance, every participant in the unsuccessful Hampton Roads Peace Conference of February 1865 is on hand. SS Abraham Lincoln and William H. Seward cover the Union side of the table, while SS Alexander H. Stephens, John A. Campbell and Robert M.T. Hunter represent the Confederate delegates. Jefferson Davis worked behind the scenes for the peace conference, and his name graced another Liberty prow, built in Alabama in 1942. The first Union Liberty Ship launched was John C. Frémont and the last Thomas F. Meagher. The same pairing for the Confederacy would be North Carolina’s wartime Governor Zebulon B. Vance and Georgia Senator Benjamin H. Hill. The first Rebel general honored was Jackson. Most launchings followed a pattern, starring a female “sponsor” who swung the champagne bottle. She was joined by matrons of honor, a flower girl and a cleric who gave the invocation—all presided over by a master of ceremonies. This cast was often drawn from the shipyard staff and their families, as well as local military forces. Not always, though. A 17-yearold Kentuckian, Frances Cagle, was on hand to see Abraham Lincoln

Of the 31 Liberty Ships named after Southern military men, all but two vessels were constructed below the Mason-Dixon Line— and those two were launched in California. Of 55 Federals on the list, just seven were Dixie-built, and three of those named were either Southern-born or longtime residents there.

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FREEDOM BOUND Dignitaries crowd the bow of Harriet Tubman, one of a number of ships named after noted African Americans, before its June 3, 1944, launch in Maine.

launched. Cagle, along with two other Bluegrass State school classmates, was part of a group that had suggested that name. When Thomas W. Hyde launched in 1943, named for a Union Medal of Honor recipient, a great-great-granddaughter of Hyde’s was there to wish it well. The sponsor for Joseph E. Johnston was the president’s daughterin-law, Mrs. Elliott Roosevelt, whose enthusiastic bottle-busting was reportedly greeted with “a great cheer” from the crowd. Perhaps because it was believed the U.S. Navy would take care of its own, few Liberty Ships were named after Civil War sailors. David G. Farragut, John Grimes Walker and Charles Wilkes were the only veterans so honored, though opposing Navy Secretaries Gideon Welles and Stephen R. Mallory also made the cut. Welles, built in what was then a record 35 days, was reportedly named to salute the man “who fostered the production of iron clad ships, forerunners of modern naval vessels.” In one of its outreach efforts, the Maritime Commission asked “school children who were winners in the scrap drive conducted by each state” to submit candidates, 22 of which were chosen. Among those were Leonidas Polk (Louisiana nomination), John A. Dix (New Hampshire nomination) and Andrew G. Curtin (Pennsylvania nomination). Ships were also named after a handful of soldiers whose reputations loomed large in their hometowns, including Benjamin H. Bristow, a Kentucky colonel who became the secretary of Treasury; Edmund Mallet, an officer in the 81st New York and afterward inspector general for Indian Affairs; and Pennsylvania cavalryman Lyman Stewart, who became an oil executive. On the Confederate side there was warrior, poet and composer Sidney Lanier. The Civil War Liberty Ship list also includes individuals whose modern reputations are solid as soldiers and writers, such as E.P. Alexander, Joshua L. Chamberlain, John S. Mosby, William Brooke Rawle, Francis Amasa Walker and Lew Wallace. Present as well are some whose wartime careers are still controversial: John B. Floyd, D.H. Hill, H. Judson Kilpatrick, William Nelson Pendleton, Fitz-John Porter, Franz Sigel, E. Kirby Smith and Joseph Wheeler. Racial segregation was a bitter fact of life in

1940s America, but a number of Liberty Ships were named after African Americans, including SS Harriet Tubman and Frederick Douglass. Frederick Douglass III attended the launch of the latter. In 1944, when Harriet Tubman slid down the ways, a sponsoring grandniece, joined by African-American activists and a Tubman biographer, were present. Among the speakers, Eleanor Roosevelt praised Tubman as “a distinguished woman.” Red Cross founder Clara Barton, nurse Mary Bickerdyke, orator Anna Dickinson, “legendary heroine” Barbara Frietchie and Julia Ward Howe were among the women honored with Liberty Ship names. News editors found it a challenge to describe many of the honorees. James B. McPherson was described as “a Civil War veteran,” George Custer as “one of America’s most noted military heroes,” while Edward D. Baker, killed at Ball’s Bluff, was “a soldier and senator.” Postwar events dominated references to some others. Edward Canby was recalled for commanding the Department of the Columbia and being killed by a member of the Modoc tribe. Abner Doubleday’s inclusion had as much to do with his supposed “invention” of baseball as his “brilliant part in the Civil War.” Most of the Civil War–associated Liberty Ships survived WWII. Of those that fell into harm’s way, the worst fate was suffered by SS Samuel Heintzelman, which was sailing unescorted in the Indian Ocean in 1943 when it was sunk by the submarine U-511, killing all 75 aboard. Liberty Ships were not built to last: Just two survive of the fleet that an enthusiastic reporter described as “the greatest mass shipbuilding achievement in world history.” Neither one is named for a Civil War personality. The roster of those vessels is a window into how Americans in the 1940s viewed events then not 80 years distant. Take, for example, SS Nathan B. Forrest. When it was launched in October 1943 to the strains of “Dixie” and “Suwanee River,” newspaper coverage of the event at Panama City, Fla., praised Forrest as “one of Dixie’s best remembered heroes.” Seventy years later, when an education board on Florida’s opposite coast decided to rename its Nathan B. Forrest school building, the media referred to the Southern general as a “slave trader” and “honorary Ku Klux Klan leader.” ✯

Noah Andre Trudeau is the award-winning author of eight Civil War histories, including Gettysburg: A Testing of Courage, and Southern Storm: Sherman’s March to the Sea. His latest project is a book that examines the last two weeks of President Abraham Lincoln’s life.

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EXPLORE

NOT SCOTLAND The ruins of Bannerman’s famous war surplus castle on a Hudson River island feel right out of the Old World.

MOUNTAINS, MUNITIONS AND CADETS

The Lower Hudson River Valley ABOUT 50 MILES NORTH of New York City, the Hudson River narrows as it flows through the Hudson Highlands, dramatic, rounded mountains that roll right down to the river’s edge and make for breathtaking vistas. During the Civil War, this section of the lower Hudson Valley produced men who led armies into battle, as well as many of the cannons that decimated those armies. Highland Falls, on the west bank, is the home of the U.S. Military Academy, more commonly known as West Point. The famous academy, founded by Thomas Jefferson in 1808, produced 1,008 generals who fought in the Civil War, 146 of whom donned Confederate gray. Across the Hudson on the east bank, the West Point Foundry melted enough iron during the war to make 2,000 Parrott rifles and 3 million artillery shells, and even earned a visit from Abraham Lincoln. And after the conflict, Bannerman’s Castle on Pollepel Island in the Hudson sold Civil War military surplus. Today West Point is still turning out military leaders. Vestiges remain of the massive West Point Foundry, Bannerman’s Castle is a romantic ruin accessible by guided tours, and the scenery is still wonderful. And that doesn’t even take into account the abundant Revolutionary War sites nearby. It all makes for an unusual and interesting getaway.

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TROPHY POINT Captured artillery pieces used in battles from the Revolutionary War to the SpanishAmerican War are displayed at Trophy Point, including an impressive collection of Confederate weapons, like this Armstrong Gun captured at Fort Fisher in 1865. No matter the season, the site offers a spectacular view of the Hudson.

WEST POINT MUSEUM The free museum at West Point rightfully claims to be “the oldest and largest diversified public collection of militaria in the Western Hemisphere.” A small but important exhibit on the final year of the war, which will remain on display until March 2016, contains the sash Robert E. Lee wore at Appomattox. If you’re interested in the Civil War or American military history in general, an in-depth visit to this museum is a must. usma.edu/museum U.S. MILITARY ACADEMY The site first gained importance in American history during the Revolutionary War, when the Continental Army stretched a chain across the river to block British shipping. Massive links from the chain are displayed on the West Point grounds. President Thomas Jefferson established the military academy in 1802, and the campus high above the Hudson has been educating military leaders and preserving military history ever since.

WEST POINT CEMETERY Gorgeous trees and impressive burial monuments accent the

well-kept grounds that are the resting place for nearly 8,000 graduates. John Buford and George Custer are just two of the Civil War notables buried here. A walk through this breathtaking setting high above the Hudson is a sobering reminder of war’s cost.

CHAPEAU ROUGE

Gouverneur Kemble Warren, famous for his role on Gettysburg’s Little Round Top, was a Cold Spring native named after Gouverneur Kemble, an owner of the West Point Foundry. Warren wore this red kepi, part of the West Point Museum’s collection, in 1861-62 as the 5th New York Infantry’s colonel.

OLD CHAPEL Scores of Civil War commanders worshipped at the Old Chapel, which was built in 1836. The Old Chapel was supplanted by the New Chapel in 1910, but the original structure was subsequently disassembled and rebuilt at the cemetery entrance.

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STORM KING HIGHWAY Formally known as Route 218, Storm King Highway winds dramatically around its namesake mountain to connect Cornwall-on-Hudson and Highland Falls, home of West Point. Scenic pull-offs offer spine-tingling views of the river, Cold Spring and Bannerman’s Island. Gates close off the highway in winter, but in gentler seasons the two-lane blacktop road is well worth the trip. COLD SPRING Located on the Hudson’s east bank, across from West Point, Cold Spring was a factory town during the Civil War, home to the expansive West Point Foundry. A number of war-era buildings and ironworker houses remain.

WEST POINT FOUNDRY PRESERVE

PUTNAM HISTORY MUSEUM This excellent museum, housed in the West Point Foundry’s original school, highlights the history of Putnam County, Cold Spring and the ironworks, which operated from 1817 to 1911 and manufactured cannons, locomotives, pipes and numerous other items. New exhibits designed by C&G Partners will go on permanent display this fall. putnamhistorymuseum.org 60

Civil War Times

Scenic Hudson maintains this 87-acre preserve and the trails that coil past ruins of the once huge West Point Foundry, where superintendent Robert Parrott developed the cannon that became a fixture on Civil War battlefields. Scenic Hudson offers free guided tours of the foundry preserve on

Ohio Republican Congressman JOHN BINGHAM recalls a letter from a young George Custer:

“I RECEIVED A LETTER, A REAL BOY’S LETTER, THAT CAPTIVATED ME.... Written in a boyish hand, but firmly, legibly, it told me that the writer—a ‘Democrat boy,’ that I might be under no misapprehension— wanted to be a soldier, wanted to go to West Point, and asked what steps he should take regarding it. Struck by its originality, its honesty, I replied at once.”

WINFIELD SCOTT was buried at West Point in 1866. During the nation’s early Federal period Scott was an American military hero. The victory he and his gray-coated Regulars recorded at the Battle of Chippewa during the War of 1812 was the inspiration for West Point’s gray coatees. A massive copper beech tree sets off General George Custer’s West Point grave monument.

the first Saturday of each month from April through November. The tours begin at 11 a.m., last approximately 90 minutes, and focus on the manufacturing of Parrott guns. foundrytour.org and scenichudson.org

Park marks the spot where a 600-foot long pier ran out in the Hudson to a wharf where transport ships picked up West Point Foundry goods. The foundry chapel built here in 1834 has been restored.

FOUNDRY DOCK PARK

In 1900 Frank Bannerman bought the 6¾-acre Pollepel Island upriver from Cold Spring,

Located next to Cold Spring’s Metro-North rail station, Foundry Dock

BANNERMAN’S ISLAND

where he built a massive castle incorporating a huge military surplus warehouse—which held artifacts of the Civil War as well as other eras. The castle eventually fell into disrepair, but thanks to the Bannerman Castle Trust, formed in 1993, you can tour the island. Individual visits to this hazardous ruin are not advised. bannermancastle.org

LOCAL COLOR Boutiques and antique shops populate Cold Spring’s main street that runs down to the river, but don’t distract from the town’s 19th-century ambiance. Hudson Hil’s (hudsonhils.com), which serves breakfast and lunch, and Riverview Restaurant (riverdining.com), which offers lunch and dinner, are two local favorites.

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REVIEWS

Redeeming John Bell Hood Reviewed by Lawrence Lee Hewitt MOST BOOKS ON THE WAR in the Western Theater contain some fiction, often based on colorful stories that have seemed too good not to repeat despite a lack of documentation. No better example of this exists than General John Bell Hood’s alleged dependency on painkillers. Although many historians have been somewhat circumspect, claiming that he “probably was” or “may have been” addicted, the unsubstantiated stories of Hood’s “drug problem” live on despite Stephen Davis having debunked the notion in a 1998 magazine article and again in the second volume of Confederate Generals in the Western Theater (2010). Now, thanks to Stephen M. Hood’s The Lost Papers—a collection of documents discovered in 2012, augmented with a few previously unpublished letters in private collections, most of them written to or from John Bell Hood after the war—we should see an end to the myth of Hood’s addiction. The chapter containing Dr. John T. Darby’s detailed medical

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reports on the general’s wounds and convalescence should set the record straight. No one can deny that at least one Confederate general dropped the ball on the night of November 29, 1864, near Spring Hill, Tenn. Placing the blame on Patrick Cleburne, Benjamin Cheatham and other generals because they participated in a drunken orgy hosted by the wife of Earl Van Dorn’s assassin was unacceptable to the faithful, so that left Hood to take the fall, but only because of rumors about his addiction. Some of the letters Stephen Hood discovered have allowed him to determine who was actually responsible for the fiasco at Spring Hill, as well as why Cheatham and Cleburne chose to disobey orders rather than make a night assault. The author also weighs in on another controversial topic: the trustworthiness of Hood’s postwar memoir, Advance and Retreat: Personal Experiences in the United States and Confederate States Armies, penned by the former general in part to answer accusations by Joe Johnston and William Sherman. Summing up his own research, Stephen Hood writes, “In conclusion, there is not a single passage in Hood’s memoir that is demonstrably in conflict with any entry in the Official Records, or with the contents of any correspondence or docu-

The Lost Papers of Confederate General John Bell Hood Stephen M. Hood Savas Beatie, $32.95

ment found in his personal papers.” Advance and Retreat has been viewed as unreliable since 1881, as he points out, and for it to be seen otherwise would significantly diminish the creditability of Johnston’s memoirs and, to a lesser extent, those of Sherman. Unfortunately, there is a caveat to these revelations. Despite General Hood’s extensive effort to gather factual information for his own memoir, some of the people he queried provided him with erroneous data. Consequently, Advance and Retreat represents the facts as Hood understood them; those faulty sources, though few in number, resulted in his memoir’s being ridiculed ever since. From here on out, any student of Western Theater operations involving Hood in 1864 would be wise to consult The Lost Papers of Confederate General John Bell Hood at the outset of the research process.

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From These Honored Dead: Historical Archaeology of the American Civil War Edited by Clarence R. Geier, Douglas D. Scott and Lawrence E. Babits University Press of Florida, $35.90

Artifacts Tell the Tale Reviewed by Gordon Berg LONG AFTER the battles have been fought and the soldiers have been buried or gone home, the land remains to tell its stories. Many Civil War sites still hold vital evidence of fortifications, encampments and battles. The essays in From These Honored Dead are a valuable addition to the historiography of these sites, whose full story has not yet been told. From the Trans-Mississippi West to Fort Stevens at the gates of Washington, D.C., unearthed artifacts are revising the story of battles large and small. We learn that research and metal-detecting have helped to “identify unit movements with the field of battle…and revised the view of the battle events in a significant manner.” For example, according to John Bedell and Stephen Potter, the National Park Service had believed that nearly all the battlefield surrounding Fort Stevens had succumbed to urbanization. But an inventory of bullets and shell fragments

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found in Rock Creek Park reveals that Confederate skirmishers had advanced well beyond their prepared positions, seeking a weak spot in the Union defenses far to the east of the main battleground. Each of the essays provides historical background on a given site, as well as the archaeological research done, the type and number of artifacts recovered and how the investigation has improved or changed the historical record. Joseph F. Balicki, for example, documents the excavation and material recovery at a camp of the 14th Connecticut Infantry near Brandy Station, Va., and concludes it was “a frontline, shortterm bivouac occupied by troops on active campaign” because the artifacts recovered were all items the men either wore or carried on their backs. Through the pioneering research efforts chronicled in From These Honored Dead, archaeologists are now joining historians to assemble a more complete picture of the war’s cultural context.

Final Statement Reviewed by Gordon Berg ABRAHAM LINCOLN was a consummate writer who chose his words with care, each one selected to reflect his philosophy and purpose. All the more reason for readers to begin Louis Masur’s book by turning to P. 189, where the last public speech Lincoln ever made—delivered from a window on the north portico of the White House on April 11, 1865—is reprinted. If the throng below Lincoln’s window expected to hear a paean to the Union victory, they were disappointed. But that speech is an important part of the Lincoln canon, and Masur accords it the analysis that it deserves. It was Lincoln’s clearest utterance of how he hoped Reconstruction would proceed; it also revealed, for the first time in public, his conviction that African-American men who were educated or who had

Lincoln’s Last Speech: Wartime Reconstruction & the Crisis of Reunion Louis P. Masur Oxford University Press, $24.95

worn Union blue deserved the right to vote. Masur believes that including limited black suffrage in the speech was also Lincoln’s way of signifying that “reconstruction would entail more than merely the restoration of the political status quo before the

war.” As the author points out, “For Lincoln, reconstruction was not simply an end, but also a means toward winning the war and reuniting the nation.” It would require nothing less than “the social transformation of Southern society in the aftermath of emancipation.” Foremost, however, the speech was intended to smooth the feathers of ruffled Radical Republicans and lay the groundwork for a strategy that Lincoln hoped would speedily bring the seceded states back into the Union. Consummate politician that he was, he told William Pitt Kellogg the next day that the speech was intended to “blaze a way through the swamp” of legal entanglements and political objections. To make sure he didn’t misspeak, the president read this speech from a prepared manuscript, something he rarely did. A book devoted to one speech requires plenty of context, which Masur certainly provides. In fact, Lincoln had been ruminating about postwar reconstruction almost from the beginning of his presidency, and Masur shows how the evolution of his views began during the Secession Winter of 1860-61, even before he took office. After he became president, Lincoln’s vision evolved into a combination of justice and mercy. Masur’s interpretation of Lincoln’s intentions adds fuel to the burning question, “What if Lincoln had lived?” We’ll never know for sure.

Tar Heel History Reviewed by Robert K. Krick SOME MONTHS AGO in Civil War Times I applauded a large, welldone regimental history of the 153rd Pennsylvania Infantry as a prototype of the modern reemergence of that familiar genre. Lee W. Sherrill’s history of the 21st North Carolina

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fits the same profile, as a drawling Tar Heel cousin of that Pennsylvanian volume. Contemporary unit histories such as these, written by soldiers who fought in the scenes they describe, have inherent merit that no modern narrative can equal. Nothing can outclass primary, eyewitness documents. Some of those actually appeared in print in the midst of the conflict. On the other hand, even the best soldier-author did not have access to the inspection reports

compiled about his unit; the official Compiled Service Records of his 1,500 or so fellow riflemen; or the profusion of letters and memoirs written by his mates and eventually preserved in archives. Having unearthed a rich array of those kinds of things, Lee Sherrill has carefully sketched the long and distinguished war experience of the 21st North Carolina. The 21st played a role in most of the famed battles of the Army of Northern Virginia, Civil War Times

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nowhere in higher profile than during the dusk attack up East Cemetery Hill on July 2, 1863, at Gettysburg. The regiment also participated in lesser-known actions at Batchelor’s Creek, Plymouth, New Bern and Drewry’s Bluff. Sherrill’s account of the 21st’s role in those fights supplies descriptions as thorough as anything in print on some of the battles—again with strong supporting maps. Sixteen skillfully executed maps accompany the text, and the more than 70 illustrations include some not before seen in print. The book’s oversized format allows for sharp reproduction. A thorough roster offers biographical sketches of the 21st’s commissioned officers of both regimental and company grades, but does not continue below the rank of lieutenant. No one will read all the endnotes, which number more than 2,100, and are often lengthy and intricately detailed. Even so, they constitute a great strength of Sherrill’s book. A gratifying proportion of his notes refer to manuscript sources, yet more evidence of the author’s strong original research. ✯

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ETC.

‘TAPS’ COMPOSER BURIED AT WEST POINT

Woof ! BUGLER’S FRIEND Louis Benz, West Point’s chief bugler during the Civil War, and his best friend pose for a charming image.

THOUGH GENERAL

Daniel Butterfield did not attend the U.S. Military Academy, he spent his final years in nearby Cold Spring, N.Y., and now rests in the West Point Cemetery alongside Civil War notables such as George Custer (see “Explore,” P. 58). Butterfield’s claim to fame goes beyond anything he accomplished on the battlefield: He is generally credited as the composer of the bugle call known as “Taps” while serving in George McClellan’s Army of the Potomac in July 1862. A brigade commander in Maj. Gen. Fitz-John Porter’s V Corps, Butterfield supposedly revised the Army’s existing “Extinguish Lights” call for his own brigade’s use. Nearby brigades that heard the tune liked it so much they adopted it. Today, of course, “Taps” is used as a call of honor at all U.S. military funerals, wreath-laying and memorial services. (For more on “Taps,” see west-point.org/ taps/Taps.html.) Butterfield has some notoriety attached to his name as well. As assistant treasurer of the United

States, he was involved in a financial scandal during Ulysses Grant’s first presidential term. Butterfield accepted a payment from gold speculators Jay Gould and James Fisk to inform them when the government was planning to sell its gold, which would help Gould and Fisk corner the market. Grant learned of the plan and sold $4 million in gold without informing Butterfield, which led to the September 1869 Black Friday crisis. Butterfield resigned from the Treasury but received no further punishment. ✯

CREDITS Cover: Museum of the Confederacy, Richmond, VA; P. 2: Yale University Art Gallery; 3: From Top: Library of Congress; National Firearms Museum, NRAmuseum.com; Al Levine/Courtesy Florentine Films; Buddy Secor/NinjaPix; Illustration Copyright 2015 by Jonathan Fetter-Vorm. All rights reserved; P. 4: Library of Congress; P. 5: Library of Congress; P. 6: Courtesy Jay Anderson; P. 10: Antony Platt/PBS; P. 11: From Top Left: Courtesy of Andersonville National Battlefield; Congressional Medal of Honor Society; Sharon A. Murray; P. 12: Courtesy of The Mariners’ Museum; P. 13: From Top: Mapping Occupation; Google Earth; P. 15: Library of Congress; P. 16-18: Library of Congress (2); P. 20-21: National Firearms Museum, NRAmuseum.com (6); P. 22: Al Levine/Courtesy of Florentine Films; P. 25: Courtesy Florentine Films (6); P. 26: Courtesy Florentine Films; P. 27: Courtesy General Motors; P. 30: Museum of the Confederacy, Richmond, VA; P. 32: Marion Johnson Photographs/Atlanta History Center; P. 33: Courtesy Emmanuel Dabney; P. 34: From Top: Larry Sherer/High Impact Photography; Heritage Auction Galleries, Dallas, TX (3); P. 35: Courtesy Lars Prillaman; P. 36-37: Library of Congress; P. 38: Museum of the Confederacy, Richmond, VA; P. 39: Don Troiani/Corbis; P. 41: Library of Congress; P. 42: Case Antiques, Inc. Auctions and Appraisals, Knoxville, TN; P. 43: Georgia Capitol Museum; P. 52-53: Corbis; P. 54: Everett Collection Inc/Alamy; P. 55: Kallgan; P. 56: Photo by Afro American Newspapers/Gado/Getty Images; P. 58: H.L.I.T.; P. 59: From Top: Mira/Alamy; Dana B. Shoaf (2); P. 60: From Top: Ahodges7; Photography by C&G Partners/au2066; P. 61: From Left: Dana B. Shoaf; Library of Congress; P. 62: Heritage Auction Galleries, Dallas, TX; P. 70: From Left: Heritage Auction Galleries, Dallas, TX; Don Troiani/Corbis; P. 72: Courtesy of Skinner Auctions, www.skinnerinc.com.

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Civil War Times

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