Military History 2005-06

E D I T O R I A L

Onlineextras June 2005 You'll find much more about military history on the Web's leading history resource: The

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WWW. TheHistoryNet.com Discussion: Can the strategies and tactics used in Mesopotamia, both by the Romans and their opponents, be applied to the more recent conflicts in 20th- and 2tst-centuiy Iraq?

Goto www. TheHistoryNet.com/nth/ for these great exclusives: 82nd Airborne Paratrooper at Normandy—On June 6,1944, Sergeant Bill Dunfees battalion was one of the few that hit the right drop zone. Front Royal: Key to the Valley—The pretty little town of Front Royal, in the Shenandoah Valley, had a strategic value that belied its size, and Maj. Gen. "Stonewall" Jackson knew it. 82nd Airborne Trooper: From Sicily to the Siegfried Line—Clarence Ollom s most vivid remembrance of parachuting into Sicily "is how quick I hit the ground." Roman Disaster at Carrhae—Eager to match the achievements of his two rivals, Marcus Licinius Crassus led an army into Parthia. Instead of glory, all he found was death. A Symphony of War—During the dark days of the Wehrmacht's long siege of Leningrad, the spirits of the Russian city's citizens and defenders were lifted by a musical masterpiece.

6 MILITARY HISTORY JUNE 2005

In war, music can have powerful and unexpected psychological effects. MUSIC HAS ACCOMPANIED armies about as long as they have existed, both as a means of communication and as a psychological weapon. Music's association with warfare is, in fact, so taken for granted that a story such as William R. Trotter's in this issue (P. 58) may be a timely reminder of how ubiquitous a part of military history it has been. Civil War buffs and reenactors don't need to be reminded, of corrrse. Both sides produced much musical propaganda, sometimes by simply using different lyrics with the same tune. The rrltimate standouts on the Union side included "Battle Cry of Freedom" and Julia Ward Howe's "Batde Hymn of the Republic." Confederate troops expressed their secessionist ideology with "The Bonnie Blue Flag," but found more emotional punch in "Dixie," an Ohioan composer's minstrelshow tune that became an enduring musical Rebel yell (story, P 82). Sometimes musical propaganda can backfire, however During World War n, my U.S. Navy father told me, radio broadcasts from Tokyo Rose did more good than harm to American morale—everyone ignored her heavy-handed messages and just enjoyed the music she played. Similarly, when Chinese loudspeakers broadcast "Loch Lomond" to the Black Watch defending the Hook in Korea, the Scots sang along, but it did nothing to undermine their resolve (see Military History, May 2005). On the other hand, American veterans of the Korean War harbor haunting memories of Chinese bugle calls resounding through the hills to heraJd their assaults, yet the psychological effect there was unintentional—slacking sufficient electronic equipment, the Chinese buglers were simply using an age-old method of conveying messages and orders. The road to aural hell can be paved with good intentions. When I was peacekeeping in Bosnia and Herzegovina with the 29th Infantry Division (Light) in 2002, our headquarters took to starting every morning with "God Bless the U.S.A." by

Lee Greenwood instead of Reveille. After a few weeks, I wasn't the only one to find that pop anthem more irritating than uplifting. Maybe it was just me, but I also found its refrain, "I'm proud to be an American, where at least I know I'm free," a bit too nationalistic while working alongside our Italian, French, British, Danish and Dutch allies. Another recent musical phenomenon I encountered in Bosnia was turbo-folk, a blend of traditional Serbian folk tunes and other, more recent influences, most notably a relentless Europop rock beat. This particular music was popular with the Bosnian Serb paramilitary troops while they fought Bosnian Muslim forces and practiced ethnic cleansing on the Bosnian civilians. We were reminded of the latter every time we passed the Hotel Vidikovac, where some 800 Muslim women (many as young as 12) were brutally raped and killed by the Bosnian Serbs. Among the most notorious perpetratop of that atrocity, we learned, was one Zeljko Raznatovic, better known as Arkan. Indicted for war crimes in The Hague in September 1997, he never went to trial—as he was leaving the restaurant at the Hotel International in Belgrade, Yugoslavia, on January 15, 2000, he was killed by masked gunmen who have never been identifled. While venturing from our base to the nearby city of Tuzla, on a perverse whim I bought a compact disc by Ceca, a popular Serbian singer—and Arkan's widow, who claims to this day that her hubby never discussed his paramilitary business around the house. Today Arkan is gone— and so is Yugoslavia—but turbo-folk lives on among the Serbs, and so does Ceca, perhaps more popular than ever. Like "Dixie" among some Americans from Southern states, it's the Serbs' last form of cultural defiance, and if it rankles other residents of the Balkans, so much the better from their viewpoint. Music still carries a psychological impact—including negative psychology. J.G.

LETTERS

COUNT YOUR BLESSINGS

long operation." In actuality, HALO refers to a parachute jump with a high altitude exit h-om the aircraft (20,000 feet or higher) and a low opening of the canopy (2,000 feet or less). Joel Wagenaar Wisconsin Rapids, Wis.

However, the craftsmen of the era never achieved a reliable seal with this approach, which limited their power and size. Leonardo's idea of using a continuous screw breech appears to be an attempt to address this sealing problem. The evidence indicates that he prototyped this item (in his steam cannon), but it does not seem to have inspired any further deINVENTIONS OR REFINEMENTS? Leonardo da Vinci, subject of the March/ velopment. Readers might want to look April 2005 "Weaponry" story, was certainly at A History of Greek Fire and Gunpovi'de a fascinating engineer, as detailed in the by J.R. Partington, and Dihner's Leonardo book Leonardo da Vinci, Military Engi- da Vmci, Military Engineer. neer, by Bern Dibner. Leonardo's note- 3. Muitibarreled cannon: Konrad Keyser, books plainly show that he was exploring a military engineer bom in Eichstadt, a number of concepts that could address Germany, in 1366, included a sketch of a the challenges faced by military engineers weapon with multiple cannon barrels rein the late 15th and early 16th centuries. volving about its longitudinal axis {simiNevertheless, in most cases, it appears lar to a Gatling gun) in his famous and that he was often merely making sketches widely distributed book BelUfortis. of ideas previously proposed by other Leonardo's muitibarreled revolving military engineers. Sketching a concept weapons were based on the ribauldequin is different from building a working pro- or or^an gun design (which first appeared totype, which is different from fielding a in northern Europe before 1340) and roA period under Soviet occupation working system. Indeed, Leonardos tech- tated about a transverse axis. While the would have done Drogemuller good, par- nical notebooks were largely unknown ribauldequin was used, there is no eviticularly if he'd have informed the au- and forgotten until the 19th century. Con- dence that either Keyser or Leonardo thorities of his antipartisan activity. Or sequently, his influence on the actual de- reached the prototype stage with their possibly some postwar experience in a velopment of military engineering was multibarrel revolving weapons. For more Soviet POW camp would have given him limited, although his rediscovered works information, see Partington's A History of time to appreciate the Western Allied al- can now serve as inspiration today. Greek Fire and Gunpowder and Engineers ternative. I must agree that he had more Nick D'Alto's interesting article of the Renaissance, by Bertrand Gille. luck than brains—otherwise he might contained a number of misrepresenta- 4. First cartridge: This claim is harder to think too much. tions, mostly claims that Leonardo had trace, but author Bern Dibner did not Nik Cornish been the first to invent certain things, claim that Leonardo was the first to proMaidstone, Kent, England where the evidence indicates otherwise: pose this concept, only that he had 1. Bastioned fortresses: Although there sketched this approach, and again there WHOSE WEDGE? were a number of forerunners, military seems to be no evidence that he advanced After reading the February 2005 "In- engineer Giuliano da Sangallo included 10 it to the prototype stage. Again, to find adtrigue" story, it is obvious to me that it bastions in his designs for the new fortifi- ditional information, try Leonardo da was Mao Tse-tung s reckless behavior that cations for the town of Poggio Imperiale Vinci, Military Engineer. drove a wedge between China and the in 1487. Leonardo's sketch of a bastioned 5. Flintlock: The snaphaunce, the foreSoviet Union, not President Dwight D. fortress dates from about 1504. The in- runner to the flintlock, was apparently inEisenhower's wedge strategy in the terested reader could reference Siege War- vented by an unknown Dutchman and Taiwan Strait. Americans like to exagger- fare: The Fortress in the Early Modem did not appeal- until 1525-1550. Leonardo ate their foreign policy successes, and World, I494-I660, by Christopher Duffy. died in 1519. He is, however, credited with M.D. Pixley is no exception. 2. Breechloading cannon: The actual in- sketching the first wheellock, around 1493. Leo Justin ventor and date of introduction of the Nevertheless, the first prototypes seem to Boynton Beach, Fla. breechloading cannon is unknown, but the have been made in southern Germany at Burgundians seem to have had them by the behest of "Jules the German" (an apHALO FROM A READER 1364, and the Teutonic Knights seem to prentice of Leonardo's) in the early 1500s. In the March/April 2005 issue o( Military have used them in 1399. These early If tme, this would be Leonardo's only sigHistory, Rob Krott's article "Airborne breechloaders used a separate powder nificant, original and practical contribuRescue Mission to Stanleyville" refers to chamber that was applied to the breech tion to military science. To find more on a HALO parachute jump as "high altitude of the cannon and wedged into place. Continued on page 79 I read the interview with Jiirgen Drogemuller in the February 2005 Military History with some interest. I was intrigued by his comments on the British treatment of Germans in the immediate postwai' period, that "they were no good," etc. What did he expect of a country that had undergone five years of rationing— three-course meals for 16-year-old former Hitlerjugend members? I note he didn't complain about what he got. Many, many items were still on ration in the United Kingdom for several years after the war. Some of those 16-year-olds had been soldiers in the 12th SS Panzer Division, for example, and had fought to the bitter end in Berlin, an end that came only seven weeks before Drogemuller got back for his mothers birthday. Hundreds of thousands of Leningrad's population would have been happy to have half the ration his brother received during the 900-day siege.

8 MILITARV HISTORV JUNE 2005

PERSONALITY A warrior and visionary, Pharaoh Necho II restored Egypt to its former glory. By Kevin Aycock

AS THE EGYPTIAN PHAROAH Necho II neared the end of his 15-year reign, he could look back with satisfaction upon his accomplishments. Something of a Renaissance man—albeit during an ancient Egyptian renaissance—he had restored Egypt's standing as a major power in the Near East and encouraged what would be its last great flowering of art and culture. One of the visionaries of antiquity, he had contributed to the first circumnavigation of Africa (predating Portuguese explorer Baitholomeu Dias' voyage by more than two millennia), and his idea of a waterway connecting the Mediterranean and Red seas would presage the Suez Canal by some 2,500 years. Bom in 658 BC in the Nile Delta city of Sais (modem Sa el-Hagar), Nekau— better known to posterity by his Greek name of Necho—had all the benefits of being raised in the royal couri. His mother, Mehtemweskhet, was the daughter of the high priest at Heliopolis. His father was Pharaoh Psamtik 1 (Psammetichus in Greek), founder of the 26th dynasty. Years earlier, Psamtik had secured Egyptian independence from an Assyrian empire in decline, and he spent most of his reign consolidating his power. Necho often accompanied his father on domestic expeditions against renegade Nile Delta princes and troublesome Nubian nobles. The young princes martial education was furthered in 629 BC, when Chaldean governor Nabopolassar of Babylonia took advantage of an Assyrian civil war to launch an extended raid that approached Egvpt's border before being repulsed at Ashdod on the coast in 627. In 616 BC Assyria's weakened empire lost control of its subject kingdoms when Nabopolassar, after becoming king of Babylon on November 23,626 BC, forged an alliance with the Medes (a newly powerful Indo-European people from what is now Iran) and turned on Assyria. 12 MIUTARY HISTORV JUNE 2005

Necho was sent with an expeditionary force to assist Assyria against the perceived common threat, but it was not enough to stem the Medo-Babylonian tide, which crushed the Assyrian amiies and swept aside their erstwhile Egyptian allies. By 612 the Assyrian capital of Nineveh had fallen. The Medes took the land north of the Tigris River and left Babylonia to claim all of the south. Fragments of Assyria's army regrouped at Harran, 250 miles to the west, making it the nominal capital of its truncated state. In 610 BC Psamtik died and his son was crowned Pharaoh Necho II and anointed with the monarchiai title of Wah-em-ibre, meaning "Carrying out the wish of Amun-Re forever." His first act was to effect military reforms, reorganizing Egypt's motley conscript army after the Assyrian model. His vigorous program transfonned his polyglot collection of

Necho H's sarcophagus in the Royal Necropolis at Sidon. This last great pharaoh revived Egypt's fortunes, ruling with extraordinaiy vision.

Nubian spearmen, Lydian archers, native Egyptian cavalry and chariot men, and Ionian Greek hoplite infantry into a capable fighting force. His father's previous pact with King Gyges of Lydia (reputed to be the biblical Gog) allowed Necho to hire those Greek mercenaries, who would prove invaluable to the new army Necho shared his father's concems over Egypt's stability and independence. He decided that the best way to protect his borders would be to insulate them with outlying territory. The first opportunity for this came in early 609 BC. when he received ui^ent Assvrian requests for aid against a new Babylonian invasion. Necho saw a weak Assyria propped up by Egypt as an ideal buffer against Babylon, while the power vacuum left in the wake of its collapse afforded him an opportunity to expand Egypt's horders. So Necho agreed to the alliance, and by late spring his great army was on the mareh northward. Resistance was first encountered at the Philistine cities of Gaza and Ashkelon, which the Egyptians quickly defeated and captured, along with the other city-states of Phiiistia. Necho continued his march unopposed until he reached the large plain of Megiddo (southeast of present-day Haifa, Israel), where King Josiah of Judah refused him passage. Josiah was a pious ruler who had conducted extensive religious reforms within his small kingdom, and was one of but two kings of Judah praised for their piety in the Bible's Book of Kings (the other being Hezekiah—see Military History, October 2001). News of a Babylonian advance on Harran prompted Necho to settle matters with Josiah in a hurry. The pharaoh sent a delegation to parley with him, emphasizing that he had no quairel with Judah and it was God's will that Josiah should not stand in his way. But the psycholc^cal ploy of using the Judean king's piety against

him failed, because he simply refused to believe that God could suceor a pagan nation. Josiah's pride was also at stake, as well as the Judean territorial claim over Megiddo. Consequently, both sides prepared for battle in the summer of 609 BC. The small Judean force launched a reckless frontal assault on Nechos seasoned army and was thrown back in disarray. A swift Egyptian counterattack sent it into headlong retreat, and archere fired withering volleys of an'ows into the reeling Judeans, routing them completely, In the hiblical account of the battle, Josiah disguised himself before the fighting began, but he fell mortally wounded amid that rain of arrows. Necho followed up his victory by extracting an oath of fealty from Josiah's eldest son and successor, Shallum, who was renamed Jehoahaz, then resumed the march north. Herodotus later recorded that Necho's Greek heavy infantry bore the brunt of combat and were instrumental in taking the key Syrian city of Kadesh. Occupying Syria, he continued on to the northern frontier of the Euphrates River, linking up with the Assyrian army at the fonner Hittite capital of Carchemish on the river's left bank.

In spite of his successes, Necho had been delayed long enough to allow the Babylonians to reach Hairan uncontested and lay siege to it. An attempt to lift the siege failed, but he managed to rcsupply and fortify the capital. With the front lines stabilized, Necho left part of his army to augment the Assyrian defenders and returned to Egypt, dispatching garrisons to his newly won vassal states. Necho arrived at Riblah on the Orontes River three months after the Battle of Megiddo. Finding Jehoahaz unsatisfactory, the pharaoh had him dethroned, put in chains and exiled to Egypt, where he died in captivity In Jehoahaz's place he installed Eliakim, another of Josiah's sons, as king of Judah and renamed him Jehoiakim. Necho then imposed a tribute of 100 silver talents and one gold talent, which Jehoiakim raised by heavily taxing the Judean people.

worn during the campaign to the temple in the Milesian town of Branchidae and had it dedicated to the Greek gtxl Apollo. The pharaoh then turned to domestic affairs, starting with the formation of a naw for both wartime and mercantile purposes, Egyptians had long harbored a feaiof the sea, but Necho built and maintained two strong fleets, one at the Nile Delta and the other on the Red Sea, recruiting displaced Greeks to crew his ships. Also during this time, Necho sparked a revival in national pride and culture. He had monuments built to the Apis Bull in Memphis. Inspiration in art, customs and religion was sought from the earliest periods in Egyptian historv. Every religious, artistic and architectural device was copied; old forms of hieroglyphic writing and literary style were imitated. Sculptures were created in styles reflecting— and in some cases directly copying—the Old Kingdom. This nostalgia for the past AUTUIV!^''S ?Mn cOUNf^ a triumphant would later inspire the Greeks to e.xamNecho entering Sais to a hero's welcome. ine their own historv and help influence Eew phai^aohs since the great Thutmose 111 the rise of Classical Greek civilization. had accomplished as much for Egypt in so In late 606 BC, Necho received word short a time. In recognition of the role the that the old and sick King Nabopolassar Greek mercenaries had played in his suc- had sent his son, the young crown prince cesses, Necho sent the corselet that he had Nebuchadnezzar, to take over the Babv-

m 14 MILriARV HISTORY JUNE 2005

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Ionian war effort. Realizing that this could break the stalemate at Harran, Necho hastily mobilized reinforcements, put them aboard his Nile Delta fleet and set sail for the friendly Phoenician port of Sidon. He arrived weeks later to learn that Hairan had fallen, and without delay force-marched his army northeast to Carchemish, where he joined what remained of his Assyrian allies. The onset of winter temporarily suspended operations, hut in early spring 605 an Assyro-Egyptian force tried to recapture Harran, only to be soundly beaten. That summer Nebuchadnezzar took the offensive, launching a surprise attack at Carchemish that caught Necho off guard. Belatedly deploying his men to face the Babylonian host, he was outflanked and decisively defeated. Nebuchadnezzar took Carchemish, and the last vestige of Assyrian power was destroyed. After retreating 100 miles south, the Egyptians turned to fight at Hamath, but were overwhelmed. The Jewish prophet Jeremiah commented that the shattered remnants of Nechos once-proud army fled through Judah while Nebuchadnezzar conquered the rest of Syria. In September the Babylonians invaded Judah, and Egypt lost yet another vassal. While Nebuchadnezzar was busy subjugating Judah (taking its wisest and most talented people captive, including the prophet Daniel), Necho rallied his troops for a last stand at Gaza, on Egypt's eastern frontier. At that moment fate intervened. In late autumn Nabopolassar died, and Nebuchadnezzar was forced to return to Babylon and secure his succession. That allowed Necho time to recover and shore up the Egyptian defenses. He also devoted attention to internal affairs. Greece was expanding its trading contacts, and Necho encouraged Greek merchants to settle in the Nile Delta area, They had an immediate impact on Egypt's foreign trade, and its economy flourished. Next the pharaoh began to plan various projects to expand upon Egyptian trade routes, starting with a navigable east-west waterway connecting the Nile River to the Red Sea. It would also have important strategic advantages in case of war. For the location of such a waterway, Necho chose the site of an ancient irrigation canal dug in the 12th dynasty, southeast of Memphis in the Tumilat Gorge, between the easternmost arm (the Pelusiac branch) of the Nile and the Red Sea. The canal had long since silted up, but Necho mobilized 12,000 workers to reex-

cavate the canal and extend it to the Nile and the Red Sea. The blowing desert sands frustrated their efforts, and interest in the project began to lag. Herodotus claims that Necho gave up at last in response to an oracle who warned he would only benefit the barbarians if the project was continued. More likely he was influenced by a report fi om his engineers that demonstrated the higher elevation of the Red Sea compared to the Nile River, warning that if the canal was finished. Eg>pt could be flooded. So he discontinued the project, and it would remain unfinished until the Persian King Darius completed it a century later. AT THE CLOSE OF 602 BC the clouds of war again covered Egypt. The newly crowned King Nebuchadnezzar II rettimed to the border, meanir^ to eliminate his only rival for dominion over Western Asia. In the interim years, he had swept through Syria, Palestine and Philistia. Now he stood poised to conquer Egypt, and the prophet Jeremiah confidently predicted its downfall (Jeremiah 46:13-26). The young Babylonian king planned to catch Necho off guard with a surprise winter campaign, but the pharaoh had learned from his experience at Carchemish and was better prepared this time. Necho initiated a scorched-earth policy and conducted a fighting withdrawal toward the Sinai interior. There, he anchored his army on a predetermined defensive line along the Wadi of Egypt (a dry riverbed extending from the northcentral tip of the peninsula to the modem Gulf of Aqaba). The Babylonian advance was slowed by Nechos delaying tactics, and it ground to a halt completely at the wadi, where the Egyptians inflicted heavy casualties on Nebuchadnezzar's forces. The campaign devolved into a war of attrition as winter dragged on. Einally, in early spring of 601 BC, Nebuchadnezzar conceded defeat and sought a compromise settlement with Necho. The pharaoh agreed to relinquish any imperial designs in Western Asia, and in return Eg\pts borders would be guaranteed. Necho honored the terms of the peace treaty for the remainder of his reign, as is confirmed in the Bible. The army of Nebuchadnezzar limped back home, where it took 18 months to refit after the failed campaign. With the external threat handled, Necho returned his attention to maritime commerce. Undaunted by the failure of the canal project, he contemplated an alContinued on page 23

PERSPECTIVES At Bois des Loges, Italian immigrants in the U.S. Army's 78th Infantry Division proved their mettle. By Rock Marcone

A photograph of Pasquale Marcone of Company A. 310th Infantry, includes the Purple Heart he received for his wound in the Bois des Loges on November 1.1918.

mash from moonshine stills. The lads wore a white lightning flash on a red shoulder patch. As part of the division's mission, the 310th Infantry's objective was to capture the crossroads at the town of Authe, about seven kilometers north, and cut the Gei"man supply line. Doughboys of Company A of the 310th were not thinking about Authe that moming, however—they were cold, wet and knee-deep in mud. The area was familiar lo them, though, rr WAS A COLD, RAINY MORNING in the for they had been there since October 16, southern part of the Bois des Loges, the last time they tried to take those bitter France, on October 31, 1918. Company A, woods. The soldiers of 1st Platoon were 310th Infanti7 Regiment of the 78th Di- sipping hot coffee, telling jokes and talkvision, had dug in along the Ferme des ing of the old country and the families Loges road and was awaiting the order to they had not seen in several years. Then take the woods—again. The 78th had a noncommissioned officer came up and been given the mission to crack the started barking orders. The men just Kriemhilde Stellung, the toughest section looked at him, straightened up and of the German defensive line in the Ar- nodded their heads, pretending to undergonne Forest, lying between the towns of stand. Most of the 1st Platoon were Italian immigrants, fighting for the right to Grandpre and St. Juvin. The draftees from the mountainous become American citizens, and the mahinterlands of New York and New Jersey jority of them could not speak a word of who made up the 78th Division called English. themselves the "White Lightnings." The In the woods ahout 500 meters away, sobriquet had nothing to do with thun- the German 469th Battalion, 240th Dividerstorms, but with the creeks where rev- sion, reinforced with the 61st Machine enue officers sniffed for the smell of sour Gun Company, was improving an already 18 MILITARY HISTORY JUNE 2005

formidable defense. The 469th had come from the Eastern Front and relieved the 252nd Battalion, which had defended the wotxls on October 16. It was good ground. Hill 190 to the north dominated the woods, with Hill 204 to the west and the town oi Champignculle to the east. The Germans made good use of the lenain, establishing multiple machine gun positions in ihe woods with interlocking ticlds offire.Only shallow ravines ninning east to west offered cover to attackers, and many ra\ines were mined or within hand-grenade range of the bunkers. Many soldiers in the Kriemhilde Slellung were four-year veterans who knew that everything was at stake in the next few weeks. A light drizzle started again around 4 p.m. Pasquaie Marcone—better known to his comrades as "Patsy"—and the doughboys in the 1st Platoon were cleaning weapons while awaiting the order to go over the top again. They could decipher the body language of noncoms, and several of the platoon s Italians could understand enough English to translate the mmors. GOING BACK INTO THOSE woods con-

jured up memories of October 16. They had marched all night in the rain to relieve the battered 77th Division at 3 a.m. H-hour was 5:30, and the 78th Division had launched its assault with the 310th Infantry Regiment to the west, the 309th Infantr\ Regiment to the east and the 153rd Field Artillery Biigade in support. Memories of that poorly coordinated attack remained vi\id among the survivors in the 310th. There had been no prior reconnaissance, and it was so dark that the Americans did not know they had passed through another division until, in the confusion, some members of the 77th Division began moving north into the attack with them. There was no time to sort it out. They had their gas

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masks on, and it was hard to breathe as they moved rapidly over the tough terrain. Artillery-delivered gas was intended to weaken the German line, but due to poor coordination only high-explosive ammunition had beenfired,and it landed far beyond the German positions. The Germans let them get in close before opening up with a hail of machine gun, mortar and artillery fire. The doughboys wavered, pushed on, then finally stopped and searched for cover or dug into the earth, images of the mangled bodies of young men who had been screaming for help would long echo in Marcone's mind. On the left flank. Companies A and K penetrated a weak point in the German line, knocked out a communications trench and followed it north. They had advanced almost 800 meters when they found themselves at Hill 190. There they met and destroyed a German squad moving to reinforce the position. Then, with their flanks exposed and casualties mounting, the two companies had to pull back under the cover of darkness.

AMERICAN

Ultimately the 310th Infantry's assault failed, and it was pushed back to the Ferme des Loges road. The Americans attacked three more times and were shelled with phosgene and sneezing gas. On October 18 and 19, the 310th Infantry reported more than 225 gas casualties, including Marcone's cousin. Patsy himself suffered shrapnel wounds but refused to be taken out of the line.

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man defenses, the First Army launched the largest gas bombardment in U.S. Army history, but unfortunately for the men in the 309th and 310th Infantry regiments, not one American gas shell fell in the Bois des Loges. Marcone's thoughts drifted as night rolled in on October 31. There would be another frontal assault into the woods the next morning, but this time he was told the artillery would soften up the German positions. The doughboys in Company As 1st Platoon were not really concerned. They knew what was expected of them in the morning, and they had something to prove. Earning the right for themselves and their families to become Americans was worth the supreme sacrifice. They wanted to secure peace of mind through blood and steel, pain and suffering. Maybe they could carve out a life of happiness and prosperity for their descendents. That was what gave all this madness meaning. Before Marcone and the

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JOIN US in our l.'ttorl^ ti) preserve your American heritage and the memory of our ancestors, who saved the Union during the Civil War. The Sons of Union Veterans of the Civil War (SUVCW) was created in 1S81 and recognized us legal heir of the Grand Army of the Repuhlic. Chartered hy Congress, the SUVCW is comfKised of male descendants of soldiers and sailors, who honorahly served the Unii)n. MEMBERSHIP INFORMATION: James B. Pahl Junior Vice-Commander in Chief 445 West Maple Street Mason, MI 48854 email: [email protected] National Website; http://siivcw.org

boys went to sleep that night, they sang songs from the old countrv and told each other their family histories so as not to forget the bonds they shared. BREAKFAST, EATEN AT 4 A.M. o n N o -

vember 1. was a piece of stale bread and lukewarm coffee. The warning whistle blew, the noncoms placed eveiyone into position and awaited (he word to go over the top. At 4:30 the American artillery barrage began. !n one hour, more than 16,000 rounds of high-explosive and phosphoms shells landed in the one-kilometer-square woods. The Germans were dug in at the proper angles and depth to dampen the effects of even the heaviest shells, and their casualties were light. A loud, shrieking whistle blew at 5:30. Marcone looked at the faces of his comrades to the left and right. The pain and joy stamped on their faces told a story that cannot be learned from a book or by listening to a professors lecture on war. All humanity was gone. It was kill or be killed as they clambered over the top. The doughboys hastened across the open area beyond the Ferme des Loges road and dodged between the shell craters as they followed the rolling barrage into the woods. The 309th and 310th had advanced only 200 meters when the German machine guns opened fire, mowing down the officers and noncoms out front. Within minutes, most of the troops were on their own, low-crawling toward the German line. The defenders threw grenades and lobbed mortar rounds into the ravines just to their front, disrupting any hopes the doughboys had of regrouping. Mairone and some of the men from the 1st Platoon made it into an enemy trench, where a vicious melee ensued. The Germans counterattacked and forced most of the doughboys to retreat or die; some surrendered. Their position untenable. Patsy and several others from the 1st Platoon jumped out of the trench and dashed for cover, hoping to regroup and try again. A German machine-gunner fired a burst: Marcone went down and crawled behind some fallen trees. His right leg was disabled, and he applied a field dressing to the wound. For the next few hours, the sounds of death were all around him as the machine guns continued to pour deadly interlockingfireonto his comrades. The Americans generally did well along the entire front that day—except at the Bois des Loges. The 77th Division on the right of the 78th failed to take the town of Champigneulle, exposing the flank of the

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309th Infantry as it attacked, and that regiment suffered heavy losses. The 310th, on the left of the 309th, fared no better. Due to the di\'ision's successftal use of persistent gas against the Bois des Bourgogne, however, the 311th and 312th Infantry regiments were able to seize that objective with relative ease. With their own flank thus exposed, the Germans finally withdrew from the Bois des Loges. As before, not one gas round fell in support of the 310th Infantry's attack. On that terrible day, 18 officers and 501 men became casualties in the Bois des Loges. Marcone lay in no man's land and could not be helped until the Germans departed on the night of November 1. In the official 310th muster report he was listed as missing in action. However, he was found and brought to a field hospital. The 310th Infantry seized Authe on November 3, and the war ended eight days later. MARCONE RECEIVED THE Purple Heart

and went home as a U.S. citizen—and to me, his grandson, an American hero. He would raise a family during the Depression and send two of his sons to fight in World War II. Frank, my father, served in the ship repair units at Pearl Harbor, and Vince, my uncle, fought in Europe with the Office of Strategic Services. A third son, Daniel J., woitld jump with the 82nd Airborne Division in the 1950s. Grandpa died in 1969. He was a good man who was always proud of his service in Company A, 310th Infantry Regiment, 78th Division. The physical scars were with him for life. He would set off metal detectors in airports with the shrapnel and the bullet permanently embedded in his body. His English never got much better, but he could sing the division song and all the hits from World War I in perfect English. It was an inspiring sight to see him at family gatherings, belting out those songs and imitating the drill he learned as a young soldier in France. Since his death, I've taken my own children over the battlefields on which their great-grandfather fought, to ensure that his sacrifice and the legacy he bequeathed are not forgotten. After graduating from U.S. Military Academy at West Point, N.Y., I went on to serve in the 1 st Infantry Division during Operation Desert Storm in 1991, and most recently as the division's secretary. General Staff, in Kosovo. My brother, Dan Marcone, served in Company C, 1st Ranger Battalion, 75th Regiment, from 1981 to 1989. That, too, is part of the family legacy left by Patsy Marcone. MH

PERSONALITY Continued from page 16

temative trade route and became intrigued by the possibility of sailing from Egypt's east coast on the Red Sea to its north coast on the Mediterranean. Thinking that it would be a fairly simple journey, Necho hired crews of Phoenician sailors, considered the best in the world at that time, to man a flotilla of triremes hom his Red Sea fleet. He ordered them to sail down the Red Sea and around Africa to the Pillars of Hercules (the modem Strait of Gibraltar). They set sail in November of 600 BC and in three years successfully circumnavigated Ahica. This navigational feat amazed the world and set off a furor of excited speculation. But while the circumnavigation was a success as an adventure—inspiiing future voyages of exploration—it proved too long a trip to be considered a practical trade route. THE LAST YEARS OF Necho's rule were relatively uneventful except for an incident in November of 597 BC, when his old vassal, King Jehoiakim of Judah, rebelled against his new Babylonian overlords. He offered to switch his allegiance back to Egypt in return for military' support, but the aging Necho was tired of war and declined the invitation. The Babylonians soon quelled the Judean revolt and took more captives back to Babylon, including the royal family and 10,829 people from prominent Judean families—including the future prophet Ezekiel. Pharaoh Necho II died in 595 BC and was succeeded by his son Psamtik II. Necho had possessed the family traits of high e n e i ^ and ability, and his reign ushered in the last great age of pharaonic ci\ilization. The revitalization of Egyptian culture brought admiration from visiting intellectuals, among them the Greek refoiTner and poet Solon, who supposedly learned from Egyptian priests the legend of Atlantis, which Plato preserved in his works Timaeus and Critias. Under Necho's rule Egypt became a strong political and economic power once again, and thus it would endure for 70 years after his death. The rule of Necho's family finally ended in 525 BC, when the Persians, led by Cambyses, overthrew the last native Egyptian dynasty. Egypt slipped into an eclipse under foreign domination, not to fully regain its independence until the modem era. MH

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WEAPONRY Though simple and soli(d, the Ml 895 Nagant revolver was obsolete when Russia adopted it. By Paul S. Scarlata

THROUGHOUT RUSSIA'S HISTORY in-

dustrial production has struggled to keep pace with foreign counterparts. Poorly educated lower and middle classes, an agrarian-centered nobility and centuries of xenophobia stoked by church and government alike hampered manufacturing. Both the populaces general fear of change and a privileged and corrupt bureaucracy stifled innovation. Consequently, ever since the 18th century, the tsar's armies had been armed with weapons designed and in many cases manufactured in Europe, England or the United States. Through the mid-19th century, all the Russian army's small arms had been of American design: the Smith & Wesson .44-caliber "Russian" revolver, the Type I and II Berdanriflesand the Gatling gun (called the "Gorloff' by the Russians). When the European powers began to rearm with new small-bore, smokelesspowder weapons in the late 1880s, the Russians were once again forced to look outside their borders for suitable designs.

In addition to a new rifle, they sought an updated handgun to replace their aging Smith & Wesson revolvers, many of which had been in service since 1871. The trend toward smaller calibers in sidearms (as well as in rifles) had overtaken most European armies; calibers were shrinking from about 1 Imm to between 7.5mm and 9mm. This time, however, American salesmanship was preempted by a group of shrewd businessmen from a nation that, during the next three decades, would rank among the world's largest manufacturers and exporters of military arms: Belgium. The Belgian firm of Fabrique d'Armes Leon Nagant et Freres first became involved in firearm manufacture in 1867. Of the two Nagant brothers, Emile is more vtidely known, thanks to his singlecolumn rifle magazine, which was used on the series of Russian Moisin-Nagant rifles. The other brother, Leon, is credited with most of the design work on the firm's successful line of revolvers and was also

In this view of the M1895 Nagant revolver's shell ejection system, the loading gate is fully open and acts as an alignment ratchet on the cylinder. 2U MILITARY HISTORY JUNE 2005

the driving force behind the company's sales department. The Nagants designed their first revolver, the M1878 officer's model, for their own country's army. A six-shot, doubleaction revolver, it featured an octagonal barrel and was chambered for a 9.4mm cartridge. The Ml878 was the first revolver to utilize a rod ejection system, an innovation that became a trademark of the firm. The next Nagant adopted by the Belgian army was the 9.4mm single-action MI883, which was intended for enlisted men. In 1886 a third Nagant revolver, the M1878/86, was issued to both officers and enlisted soldiers, All three weapons proved reliable and popular, with many remaining in Belgian service until the 1920s. Nagant revolvers also sold well outside Belgium, and were adopted by the armies and police forces of Noi"way, Sweden, Serbia, Luxembourg, Argentina and Brazil. All of Nagant's successful revolvers had solid frame, double-action designs known for their simplicity and durability. Those qualities in the Nagant-designed lock work led several other revolver makers to imitate it, including the Colt Firearms Company in the United States. Nagant revolvers displayed several notable characteristics, among which were the ejection system and removable side plate. The ejector rod was stored in the hollow cylinder pin. When unscrewed and withdrawn, a barrel collar held it just in front of the frame, permitting it to be swung 90 degrees to the right. To unload the revolver, the loading gate was opened; it then acted as a ratchet to align the cylinder correctly for loading and unloading, and the rod was pushed rearward to eject empty cases one at a time. Not being spring loaded, the rod had to be manually withdrawn before the cylinder could be rotated to present the next Continued on page 80

WITH THE INVALUABLE ASSET of hindsight, modem analysts of Major General Thomas J. "Stonewall" Jackson's Shenandoah Valley campaign during the American Civil War can readily discern a pattem developing in his operations in March and April 1862. The Battle of Kemstown, Jackson's only defeat, nevertheless riveted Union forces in the valley and kept them from strengthening Major General Geoi^e B. McClellan's Peninsula offensive against Richmond. Jackson's fortnight lurking in the shadows of Swift Run Gap held Major General Nathaniel P Banks at bay, forcing the Federal commander to watch out for his exposed left flank. The Confederate lunge at McDowell on May 8 not only neutralized Major General John C. Fremont but also freed up invaluable strength for Jackson, who spliced Brigadier General Edward "Allegheny" Johnson's troops into his own slender force. What, with hindsight, could be more natural in the aftermath of that careful preparation than for Jackson to go on the offensive with the kind of surprise assault that would become his trademark?

the Shenandoah River. That night Jackson's hard-marching soldiers bivouacked v^athin striking range of the Federal outpost at Front Royal. Before dawn on May 23, Jackson's forces advanced on the town. As they neared it, Colonel Tumer Ashby, commanding Jackson's cavalry, pulled his men away to cross the South Fork at McCoy's Ford. The strategy dictated striking the Manassas Gap Railroad at Buckton Station, about five miles west of Front Royal. There, Ashby would be in position both to prevent a Federal retreat from Front Royal and to block Union reinforcements from Strasburg. In the early morning hours, Ewell's Division led Jackson's main column forward on the Luray-Front Royal Road. Near Asbury Chapel, four miles southwest of town, the column turned abruptly right. It climbed a steep road, known locally as Rocky Lane, then turned left onto Gooney Manor Road. This lesserknown byway entered town from the south, allowing a more covert approach. Before Jackson arrived in ocLeading the advance was cupied Front Royal, its citizens the 1st Maryland Infantry, yeamed for deliverance, but probably the most troubled had no more notion that it was unit in Confederate service. at hand than did the Federal Secessionist volunteers from a defenders. Lucy Buck later said bonder state, the majority of the Front Royal had been 'desponding* she spent the morning of May 1st Maryland's troops were 1223 "busily engaged in sewing" month enlistees whose terms under Federal occupation when and in the "oppressively warm" had expired on May 22. On the Stonewall Jackson launched an assault evening of May 22, discontent afternoon visited with her "very desponding" neighbors. in a few companies by men that set the pattem for hattles to come. convinced that their enlistEven as Lucy and her friends ments were over erupted into fretted, more than 15,000 a major dispute. Turning a deaf Southern soldiers were preparBY MELISSA DELCOUR ear to the pleas of their leading to descend upon the vilers, many simply stacked their lage and its Northern garrison weapons and refused to serve. of some 1,000 men. Lucy's To their commander. Colonel cousin Walter Buck, a 20-yearBradley T Johnson, those acold lieutenant in the 7th Virginia Cavalry, had been scouting haunts from his boyhood in tions spelled mutiny. He ordered the weapons loaded into wagons and placed the men under armed guard. By the 23rd, preparation for the attack. Walter Buck's mission had its genesis in an order written by many of the 1 st Maryland's soldiers were still under arrest, and General Robert E. Lee on May 16, 1862. Lee communicated to as Johnson recorded, the rest were "disgusted with the service, Jackson his uncertainty about General Banks' intentions and and the colonel disgusted with them." his desire to delay or prevent Banksft-omreinforcing Brig. Gen. No one had bothered General Jackson with details of the 1 st Irvin McDowell in Fredericksburg or McClellan on the Penin- Maryland's mutiny as the trek toward Front Royal continued in sula. Lee urged Jackson to make a speedy move against Banks the pre-davra hours of May 23. The march, consistent with the "and if successful drive him back towards the Potomac, and popular reputation of Jackson's "Foot Cavalry," left some of its create the impression, as far as practicable, that you design participants panting. James W. Thomas, a 1st Marylander, rethreatening that line." membered that they "marched I3M miles without a rest, and Jackson at once set about "threatening that line." He called all stoppages did not amount to 20 minutes." part of Brig. Gen. Richard S. Ewell's supporting division to join During one of the stoppages. Captain William H. Murray was his main force and sent another part of^ Ewell's Division on a waiting in the rear of the army with his mutinous regiment circuitous march for no apparent purpose. Emerging from the when, as he wrote after the battle, "Genl. Jackson (My earthly Page Valley, Jackson moved east across Massanutten Mountain God) sent an order to Col. Johnson to march our Battalions to on May 21, and on the 22nd he turned north with Ewell's Divi- the front for 11 miles." Jackson's order simply said: "Col. Johnsion in the van, paralleling the right bank of the South Fork of son will move the 1st Md. to the front with all dispatch, and in

Lightning g k otnke

26 M I L n A R f HISTORY JUNE 2005

Elder's portrait places Maj. Gen. Ttiomas J. •'Stonewall" Jackson in Virginia's Shenandoah Valley, where he first drew worldwide attention with his sudden move on Federal-hetd Front Royal on May 23, 1862 (Corcoran Gallery of Art/Cortis).

Jackson at Trant Royat May 23,

0

With the Confederate 1st Maryland and Wheat's "Tigers" charging into Front Royal and Louisiana infantry advancing around it, Colonei John R. Kenly wisely puiled back his Union 1st Maryland troops.

1 st Maryland filed by on its way from the rear to the front of the column. With a cavalry screen covering the front, Jackson's column advanced down Gooney Manor Road. About a half-mile south of Front Royal, the head of the column happened upon a blanket stretched between fence rails, serving as a makeshift tent. Its blue-clad occupant squinted into the sun and reached for his musket. Before his shots could alarm other pickets. Confederate cavalrymen captured the camper and the three men with him. Advancing toward the village, Jackson's men flushed out more pickets. One young local citizen, Thomas A. Ashby, was bathing in Happy Creek when he heard gunfire. A "Union sympathizer running at top speed along a path that followed the bank of the stream," as Ashby described him, ignored his calls. Tbomas jumped from the water, hurriedly dressed and "struck out for the village."

conjunction with Wheats battalion, attack the enemy at Front Royal. The army will halt while you pass." Washington Hands of the 1st Maryland recalled how Johnson, "turning to his command, in a voice tremulous with unsuppressed anger and with a face flushed with mortification and shame, called [the regiment] to 'Attention.'" Johnson read Jaekson's order aloud and threatened to return it with an endorsement reading "the 1st Md. refuses to meet the enemy, though ordered by Genl. Jackson." Johnson laced his admonishments with patriotism and references to honor, and ended by reminding his men: "No Marylander ever threw down his arms and deserted his colors i n the presence of the enemy—and those arms and those colors given you by a woman! Go!" The troops immediately cheered, "Forward, well show you!" The soldiers under arrest, with tears in their eyes, ran the considerable distance back to the supply wagons to retrieve theii' weapons. So it was that while the rest of the army waited, the 28 MILITARY HISTORY JUNE 2005

WHILE THOMAS ASHBY FLED into town, Bradley Johnson rode to the head of his Confederate column. He learned that the captured Federal pickets belonged to the 1 st Mainland Infantry Regiment, commanded by Colonel John R. Kenly, who occupied Front Royal with the assistance offiveother companies, two guns of Captain Joseph M. Knap's Pennsylvania Artillery, one company of the 1st Michigan Cavalry, and the recently arrived 5th New York Cavalry. The news that a Federal 1st Maryland Regiment defended Front Royal affected the Southerners in various ways. One soldier reflected that they "were about to meet in conflict many.. .foimer friends, perhaps in some cases our kinsmen....It was a most striking exhibition of the division made by civil strife." Most Confederate Marylanders were prepared to "take up the guage [sic] of battle" against the "much boasted Yankee First Maryland." Despitp his men's initial reaction to the upcoming contest. Colonel Johnson remembered that "as the news flew back through the ranks, shoulders were straightened, chests thrown out, and every man thanked God he was a Marylander and was there!" In front of the column, Jackson and Ewell halted on a hill and prepared to form the troops. Henry Kyd Douglas remembered that the "hurried movement of blue coats and galloping of horsemen here and there told of the confusion in the enemy's camp." Colonel Kenly clearly had not expected Jackson. As Jackson contemplated his next move, Douglas captured

Union troops enter Front Royal. In May 1862, Lucy Buck described the populace as "very desponding" under the town's 1,000-man Federal garrison when Jackson's army struck.

the attention of G. Campbell Brown, a member of Ewell's staff. Brown focused his gaze on "a woman running like mad down from the hill on our right...gesticulating wildly to us." Douglas rode down the hill to meet "the romantic maiden" with a "tall, supple, graceful figure" who called his name. Though he was momentarily stari;led at being recognized. Douglas' astonishment evaporated when he saw the "well-known Belle Boyd whom [he] had known from her earliest girlhood." Winded, Belle Boyd told her friend to advise Jackson that the Federal forces inside Front Royal were minimal: "Tell him to charge right down and he will catch them all." Belle left Douglas with a spy's reminder: "Remember if you meet me in town you haven't seen me today." Soon after Jackson received Boyd's intelligence, he formed

Maryland antagonists at Front Royal were Rebel Colonel Bradley Tyler Johnson Qeft) and Union Colonel John R. Kenly.

the 1st Maryland in a single line to the right of Gooney Manor Road, with Major Chatham Roberdeau Wheats Battalion of Brig. Gen. Richard Taylor's 8th Brigade on its left. Descending briskly into town. Color Sgt. Randolph H. McKim of Company H, 1st Maryland, later wrote that the Confederate infantrymen met "women and children, wild with delight and gratitude, some with tears in their eyes." welcoming them "as their deliverers." Lctitia Richardson gave thanks to "an ovemiling Providence" when, at "about 3 o'clock our hearts were made to leap with the sight of Jackson's army coming to our rescue....We were all so excited that we screamed with joy...." Excitement turned to pandemonium as Johnson's and Taylor's troops surged toward Front Royal. "There was heard the quick, shaip report of a rifle," Lucy Buck recorded in her diar^^; "and another and another in rapid succession. Going to the door we saw the Yankees scampering over the meadow below our house and were at a loss how to account for such evident excitement on their part until presently Miss B. White rushed in with puiple face and dishevelled hair crying—'Oh my God! The Southern Army is upon them—the hill above town is black with our boys!"' With that news, Lucy reported, "Ma and I did not wait to see the result of her case, but started for home in double quick time, all the time hearing the firing exchanged more and more rapidly." The shots that Lucy Buck heard came after the Federal pickets began tbeir rapid retreat. Colonel Kenly, confident in the safety of his position, had given precautionary orders for his men to retire toward camp should they be attacked. As Jackson's men approached, Kenly and his 1st Maryland troops received a timely message when a black man dashed into camp on horseback, crying out that "The rebels are coming in JUNE 2005 MILITARY HISTORY 29

After descr the small Union . force in Front I Royal, Confederate spy Belle Boyd told Henry Kyd Douglas to pretend they had never met

great numbers, and they will surround you and cut you off." The men laughed at his gloomy message, declaring "that they had waited too long for them, and they did not believe a word of it." Kenly, however, ordered the long roll beaten. The men sprang hastily to their arms and were forming in line by company when the Confederates arrived. Jackson's appearance doubtless caused Edward G. Abbott of the 2nd Massachusetts to remember a premature comment he had made in a letter home on May 20; "Now while we are sitting here quietly at our ease other Mass, men arefighting,doing what we could do..,.We are no better than a home guard— When the war is over other regiments will laugh and sneer at us—Oh you were in Gen. Banks army. What I came out for was to fight—not fool away my time here." The restless Yankee's chance for battle was now at hand. Companies H and I of the 1st Maryland, supporting Federal pickets about a half-mile south of town, confirmed the messenger's report. After the initial surprise contact, they followed Kenly's order to withdraw toward camp in the face of an attack. Their movement rearward attracted a "lovely girl of about fifteen years," according to McKim, who reported that she flew h om her house, heedless of danger, waving a Confederate flag and shouting: "Go it, boys! Maryland whip Maryland!" As Jackson's army pushed the first Federal companies into town, the Southerners came upon a hospital. From the building's windows came musket fire. General Eweli turned to 30 MILITARY HISTORY JUNE 2005

Bradley Johnson and asked, "Colonel, can you take that building?" Johnson replied, "Yes, sir, infiveminutes." The Marylanders charged, with Captain Murray and Lieutenant George Thomas in front, and Johnson subsequently reported that "the building was taken in half the time promised." HGHTING THROUGH TOWN, Wheat's Louisiana "Tigers" surged past the Trout family's home where 15-year-old Wilbur Trout and his aunt, Jane Pagette, stood on the porch. At every opporiunity. they provided the Confederates with cartridges that Federals had abandoned in their retreat. As the civilians cheered, Laura Virginia Hale noted that "Major Wheat dashed by." In the chaos and "excitement of pursuit, he dropped his sword and Miss Pagette rushed out to recover it for him. He thanked her graciously for this impulsive act, then implored her to take refiige in the cellar." With Wheat's Battalion on their left and Taylor bringing up his brigade Unm the southwest, Johnson's Maiylanders surged into Front Royal, sending the Federals fleeing north toward their camp on Richardson's Hill. This reaction to a surprise attack by an overwhelming number of the enemy was a superb response by Colonel Kenly. He realized the need to buy time for the Federal forces at Strasburg to maneuver. As soon as he had dispatched a courier to Banks, informing his commander of the situation, Kenly formulated orders to resist the Confederates across the broad front. A section of Knap's Batteiy E joined several companies of infantrymen on Joseph Richardson's property, described by Richardson as "a chertyridge,some one hundred and fifty feet above theriver,that extends to the northeast of the turnpike.. .between the south fork of the Shenandoah and Happy creek." Within five minutes the guns, commanded by Lieutenant Charles A. Atwell, opened a heavy fire on the Confederates. Federal shells exploded around Jackson's men as they worked their way toward enveloping the Federal right. The Confederate flood saturated the landscape around Lucy Buck's home. From the upper porch, she and her onlookers cheered their "dear rebels." One wave of foot soldiers carried Walter Buck to Lucy's door. Walter paused long enough for Lucy's sobbing children to kiss his hand and hear him proclaim: "Cheer up! Now is the time to be laughing. Jackson's army is coming and we're going to drive the Yankees away from you!" In response to the enemy artillery's thunder, Walter ordered his loved ones to the basement and rode away to join the fray. Initially, Taylor's Brigade alone pressed toward the Federalright.The Louisianans ran from cover to cover; dodging Fedei^al shells. The Confederate Maiyianders stalled when they came near wheat fields that afforded no cover. Captain Murray remembered his company being "sent up a meadow to hurt [the Yankees'] tender feelings or to be made to feel tender ourselves 1 didnt know which—for shells did fly most uncomfortably near." One shell burst near the Confederate color guard, and the flag fell. Lieutenant Richard T. Gilmor rescued the banner before it touched the earth. As the Federals shelled the Confederate infantry advance, Jackson's artillerists did not sit idly by.

though their capacity to provide a James J. Kirkpatrick of the 16th Jackson's attack. After a feverish ride, Greenleaf desuitable response proved to be limMississippi said the cannon duel livered the message to Banks and ited. Colonel Stapleton Cmtcbfield ora fresh hoi^e for the return. dered all the batteries of Ewell's Divimade the air smell 'sulphurous' and mounted Two miles outside Front Royal, the sion forward to a hillside on the sergeant happened upon two men southwest edge of Front Royal. Since the scene 'look real battle-like/ who seemed to be Federal pickets. he was embarrassingly (and inexplicWhen queried, the men said, "We are ably) unfamiliar with Ewell's repart of Gen. Jackson's staff." The men sources, Crutchfield found most of the leading batteries equipped with smoothbore cannons—far too pinpointed Jackson as being in the advance. Resuming his ride, light for the range needed. The second installment came from the sergeant met a soldier from the 8th Louisiana who innoAlfred R. Courtney's Battery, which included only one rifled cently informed him of the Confederate army's size: 20,000 men. piece. Lieutenant Joseph White Latimer took chaise of that one Drawing his revolver, Greenleaf bolted away from the scene and hope and opened fire. Shortly thereafter, John B. Brocken- again raced toward Batiks' headquatters. He wrote his parents brough's Battery came to aid him with two additional guns. about General Banks' gratitude: "He said I had saved the army." James J. Kirkpatrick of the 16th Mississippi wrote that the exNoting that Lieutenant Atwell's guns were being "well and efchange created thunder, made the air smell "sulphurous" and fectively served," Colonel Kenly ordered Lt. Col. Nathan T. caused the scene to "look real battle-like." Dushane with two companies to reinforce his right flank. Kenly With the Confederates delivering effective artillery fire upon also sent Major John W. Wilson with one company to guard the his position, Kenly viewed his plight as critical, yet recognized Winchester Turnpike leading to the bridges, while Lieutenant "the importance of gaining time, so as to enable [Banks'] troops Thomas Saxalle took his company to block the railroad line leadat Strasbui^ to get beyond Middletown before the enemy." He ing toward the South Fork bridge. Throughout the engagement, had sent Sergeant C.H. Greenleaf of the 5th New York Cavaltr Kenly's skirmishers exploited the protection offered by stone with an urgent dispatch to Banks in Strasburg, warning him of fences parallel to their front. Confederate infantrymen con-

This illustration of the Battle of Front Royal from Le Monde Illustre-W\ih the combatants looking more French than American-typifies the intemational interest Jackson's Valley campaign generated by the summer of 1862 [Bulloz/Art Resource, N.Y).

JUNE 2005 MILnARY HISTORY 31

tinued to creep forward, but found Frustrated, Jackson shouted: *Oh. the bridges...alive vAth horsemen, themselves in check at the foot of the crossing in two different places by Federal-occupied hill. what an opportunity for artillery! fording." Meanwhile, Jackson moved the 6th Captain George W. Kugler of ComOh, that my guns were here!' Louisiana through some woods to pany A, Federal 1st Maryland, was orturn the Federal battery's flank. Major dered to resist the fording "as long as Wheat and Colonel Johnson, on the possible," and the New York cavalry Confederate right, were sent to turn the Federal left. Jackson's who had arrived shortly after the battle began were left as a rear orders set the wheels in motion to prevent Kenly fkim retreat- guard. Meanwhile, the Federals resumed their retreat—now ing across either fork of the Shenandoah River. aiming beyond Strasburg toward Winchester While the Confederates maneuvered to envelop their flanks, Intent upon pursuit, Jackson rode across the South Fork the Federals were encouraged by the arrival from Strasburg of bridge toward the Pike Bridge. When he saw the vulnerable blue Companies B and D of the 5th New York Cavaln/, under Major column making its way north, he reined in his horse. Little Philip G. Vought. Their presence motivated Kenly to continue Sonel. Frustrated by the inability to harass or destroy his his resistance, even though he said, "it was painfully apparent enemy, Jackson exclaimed: "Oh. what an opportunity for arthat I was being surrounded." tillery! Oh, that my guns were here!" Turning to a nearby staff Kenly witnessed the stretching of the enemy's front line. Cap- officer, Jackson ferociously ordered him to hurry to the rear and tain J. Louis Smith of the Confederate 1 st Maryland led his men "order up every rifled gun, and every brigade of the army" toward the Federal left and began firing down the line. Around Jackson's orders for artillery, however, did not reach Crutch4:30 p.m., Kenly received more discouraging news: A regiment field's men or their jaded horses, and the Confederate artillery of Rebel cavalry was beyond the river to his rear. In the face of would take no further part in the engagement. that fresh intelligence, Kenly determined that he must move quickly across his only avenue of retreat—the bridges spanning WHILE JACKSON WAITED, Wheat's Tigers and Taylor's the forks of the Shenandoah. While the Confederate Marylan- Louisianans reached the south end of the burning Pike Bridge. ders continued to press the Federal front, and the Louisianans Colonel Henry B. Kelly of the 8th Louisiana remembered his attacked the flanks, Kenly organized his retreat. journey toward the smoke-shrouded scene. Under artillery fire, To thwart Rebel pursuit, he directed that the bridges over the his regiment had already crossed the South Fork via the "long Shenandoah be burned behind him. Protecting his retreat, the rail-road bridge on a single plank." Federal artillery fire also colonel employed the New York cavalrymen and one piece of made crossing the North Fork bridge a dangerous endeavor, so artillery. The Federal rear guard took position on Guard Hill, a Kelly decided to cross by fording. From his perspective, the prominent knob north of the rivers forks. Shenandoah loomed "wide, waist-deep and rapid." Subjected Witnessing the Yankees' initial rearward movement. Colonel to fire from the enemy's battery and infantry- now posted within Crutchfield took two rifled guns from Captain John A.M. Lusk range on the hillsides, Kelly followed the tracks of a horse and and pursued his enemy. To support Ciutchfield, Ll. Col. James "plunged in at once, and led the regiment across." J. Shannon of the 16th Mississippi advanced with four infantry Seeing that the "bridge in front of the enemy's battery had been companies. As the guns of Lusk's battery rolled "down the road," Bred and was in a blaze," he sent men under Lieutenant Nicholas Kirkpatrick wrote. Shannon's men hurried behind, "inhaling J. Sandlin to extinguish the fire. The Louisianans scooped up clouds of dust." After advancing about a mile, he noted the "bat- water in their hats and tried to douse the flames, while Major tery takes a position, unlimbers and fires a few shots at the Wheats soldiers broke off burning pieces of wood and tossed enemy" In support, the men of the 16th Mississippi "embrace[d] them into the river, scorching their hands in the process. the opportunity of resting." The soldiers' determination saved the span. Campbell Brown While the artillery belched fire and iron, Lt. Col. Edward R. wrote that Wheat "put spurs to his horse, galloped through the Dorsey of the Confederate 1 st Maryland ordered a charge along already kindled flames in face of the enemy's fire, & saved the the entire infantry line. Temptation caused the Louisianans to bridge." Riding into the blaze behind Taylor, Jackson did not waver—they "fell upon the burning Union camp," Washington escape unscathed. Brown noting that the "smoke and fire had Hands wrote, "and plunder was the moments fare." After decidedly freshened up his costume." Apparently they were all officers encouraged them to remember their objective, the loot- as lucky. Taylor reported that "it was rather a near thing." ing soldiers pressed forward. With the Maryland line ahead, the Although the salvaged trestle was charred and dangerous, JackConfederates drove toward the only path of possible enemy son was not deterred. He seized Colonel Thomas S. Floumoy's escape. They were soon joined by General Jackson himself, 6th Vii^nia Cavalry, which had earlier succeeded in cutting teleriding to the front and urging them on. graph lines west of Front Royal, and ordered the horsemen up Pressed on all sides, the Federals raced across the bridges to the Winchester Turnpike after the retiring Yankees. After pressoccupy Guard Hill. En route, Kenly ordered Captain William ing agonizingly slowly over the bridge in single file, Floumoy's H.H. Mapes and his "working party" to fire the bridges, but later men broke into hot pursuit. Jackson, Eweil and Brig. Gen. George grumbled that the burning was "inefficiently done." Hume Steuart joined them. At first Stonewall went unrecognized After the Federals had held Guard Hill for almost an hour, as he galloped alongside the cavaliers. Lieutenant Jonathan while Wheat's and Johnsons men moved threateningly forward, Taylor Mann recalled seeing the general as he "rode up through Lusk's tiny batter>' managed to hurl a few effective shells into the lines with his hat off and his horse at full speed.. .every[one] Kenly's position. Kenly. going to check on the progress of the gave him a cheer and our reg[i]ment rushed on at full speed." bridge destruction, reached the trestle to see "the river below Continued on page 78 32 MILITARY HISTORY JUNE 2005

Mayhem at Manila In 1762 Britain's assault on the eapital of the Spanish Philippines eombined siegeeraft with negotiation—until atrocities by Filipino auxiliaries imbued the invaders with an ugly desire for vengeance. BY DAVID RMARLEY

Rear Admiral Samuel Comish Cseated at right) confers with Flag-Captain Richard Kempenfelt Qe^) and his secretary aboard HMS Norfolk during the siege of Manila, in a painting by Johan Zoffany. 34 MILITAHY HISTORY JUNE 2005

AS THE FIRST SAIL ROSE ABOVE the horizon of the South China Sea on the afternoon of September 23, 1762, Spanish lookouts stationed at the entrance to Manila Bay were unconcerned. Ships often called there to trade, and the Spaniards were also anticipating the return of their transpacific galleon iV«estra Senom del Rosario from Acapulco. Yet the vessel approaching out of the southwest could scarcely be the missing galleon, for the lookouts soon saw that it was leading a column of other ships. Perhaps these were East Indiamen come from China. As the vessels drew still nearer, however, the lookouts could see they were sailing like a disciplined naval force rather than a gaggle of merchantmen. It was only when the strange formation failed to heave to and await the traditional courtesy call from the pilot boat that the Spaniards' growing fears were fully confirmed. The ships swept directly through the mouth of the bay, with their leadsmen working busily. The astonished lookouts could now see there were 13 in all, many of them heavy two-decked menof-war None bore any distinguishing flags or pennants, nor did they fire the customary salute to the Spanish ensign fluttering ashore. They simply disappeared up-channel. At the far end of the enormous harbor itself, some 40 miles from the entrance, the inhabitants of Manila gradually became aware of the strangers' advance. No such formation was expected, nor did the Royal Spanish Armada possess such strength in all Asia; hence the arrival of these unknown warships "surprised our minds greatly," wrote one local chronicler. "The people ran through the streets," he added. "Those of the suburbs came into the city, those of the city went outside, and there were some persons (as was learned afterward) who started immediately for the mountains." At 5 that evening, the mysterious squadron finally dropped anchor before the naval base of Cavite, 10 miles short of the city proper. There it remained, silent and menacing, while the Spaniards began a feverish muster of their forces ashore. Manila's peacetime garrison of 870 regulars and artillerymen was so ill-prepared that the first task was to bring in gunpowder from a magazine more than a mile outside the walls. All through that night, men and beasts toiled away in fearful anticipation of the dawn. Next morning, the acting governor for the city. Archbishop Manuel Antonio Roxo, sent a Spanish army lieutenant out to the flotilla, bearing a letter In it, the prelate asked the nationality of the vessels and the purpose of their visit. The answer became apparent even as this emissaiy went up the foreign flagship s side. HMS Norfolk of Britain's Royal Navy was already cleared for action. Upon its quarterdeck paced Rear Adm. Samuel Cornish, commander in chief of the Far Eastern Squadron, with Brigadier William Draper and a host of other staff officers, who were keenly studying the nearby shoreline through their glasses.

The young Spaniard was informed that his nation and Britain had exchanged official declarations of war almost nine months before—shocking news that had not yet reached Spain's Philippines colony. As far as local leaders knew, Spain was still neutral in the Seven Years' War, an ongoing global conflict that pitted Prussia. Britain and various German allies against Russia, France and Hapsburg-ruled Austria and Hungary. The recent ascension of Charles III to the Spanish throne had led to a change in policy at Madrid, however. The new king had secretly agreed to aid French King Louis XV, a fellow descendant of the Bout bon family, against Britain. But London had

discovered that plot and angrily responded by launching preemptive strikes of its own—one of which was the expedition now poised before Manila. Informed that Britain had dispatched this force to conquer the city and its islands, the Spanish subaltern "smiled, tacitly indicating he thought the enterprise rash and indigested." However, the British officers were not deceived; the city might be large {TA miles in circumference) and teeming with thousands of people, but its antiquated defenses were no match for their trainloads of siege artillery. Moreover, they had obviously caught the garrison off giiaid, a great tactical advantage for the British. At 11 a.m. the Spanish lieutenant returned to Manila, conveying a

Offered a knighthood and promotion on the condition that he drop his ransom demands for Manila, Sir William Draper was immortalized by Tliomas Gainesborough in 1765.

JUNE 2005 MILITARY HISTORY 35

Shipping off Madras, by Adam Callender. Comish's expedition to seize the Spanish port of Manila set out from Madras in two divisions on July 29 and 31,1762.

call for the city's immediate surrender. The archbishop, after conferring with his advisers, responded defiantly three hours later, saying he would defend the capital to the last drop of his blood. Brigadier Draper then signaled his squadron to proceed with the disembarkation. In addition to his flagship Norfolk, Cornish's force consisted of the men-of-war Elizabeth (bearing the flag of his deputy. Commodore Richard Tiddeman), Gmfton, Lenox, Falmouth, Weymouth, America and Panther, frigates Argo, Sea Horse and Seaford; and store ships Caterly and Essex, to be joined a few days later by South Sea Castle and Admiral Steevens. The expedition had sailed from Madras in two divisions on July 29 and 31, pausing to take on fresh water at Malacca between August 19 and 27. Draper's army contingent comprised the 79th Regiment of Foot, members of the Royal Artillery, the East India Company Artillery, Indian sepoys, black mercenaries and pioneers, French conscripts and native irregulars. Draper brought along several hundred porters and laborers to assist with heavier duties. About his army. Draper wrote: "Such a Bandetti never assembled since the time of Spariacus." Once ashore, 338 Royal Marines and 679 seamen from the squadron reinforced his troops, and naval guns supplemented the siege artillery. Manila's peacetime Spanish garrison consisted of 782 officers and men—mostly Mexican conscripts—

36 MILITARY HISTORY JUNE 2005

of the Regimiento de Infanteria del Rey, under the command of Brig. Gen. Felipe Maria Rodriguez de Madrid y Davila, marques de Villamediana. They were divided into two battalions of 10 companies each and had no cavalry. The later addition of Filipino auxiliaries proved to be a mixed blessing; although they were ferociously brave. Archbishop Roxo commented that anything was "quite within the capacity of these native tribes." The city had 96 serviceable cannons around its perimeter, from nine 30-pounders down to a single 2-pounder Eighty-five local gunners served the artillery, but otherwise the defenses were poor: The walls were low, antiquated and crumbling. There were no major Spanish warships anchored at Cavite, the 44-gim Santisima Trinidad having earlier left for its biennial crossing to Acapulco, while the 70-gun Rosario had not yet returned from its voyage. British men-of-war bore down upon Malate, a sleepy tropical hamlet about a mile southeast of Manilas ramparis. Frigates anchored close inshore to provide covering fire, while the assault craft assembled around the larger ships to receive their troops. By 7 that evening everything was ready, and in the fading light the boats started in toward the beach. The Spaniards had only been able to station some untried militia to defend that site, and those men scattered once the naval bombardment began. Con-

A British map of Manila from October 1762 depicts the assault on the city. In spite of overwhelming firepower and the element of initial surprise on September 23, the British did not overrun the citadel until October 6.

_ R EtERf.NCK

A. rA^ f,in./tng />/.,rc r '/'At ifi-af'n/

\i'""",« 1^ M-t^Mf

\ff lAi S o'ua ,/f.ifroy,/ iy ' Sit,/^

THK ATTACK

of MANIU.A,

sequently, when the first British wave came ashore at 8, the only obstacle proved to be high surf, which swamped and overturned a few boats but resulted in no casualties. As darkness fell, the British could see Spanish work parties in the distance burning down shacks around Manilas perimeter to clear a field of fire for the defendei^. WITH CHARACTERISTIC SKILL and resolve, the Royal Navy deposited the bulk of Drapers 1,800-man army and 340 marines ashore that same night. By dawn of September 25, they were ferrying in the Indian sepoys and porters. Then Cornish delegated 700 of his own seamen as reinforcements. Overnight, advance British units had also occupied the Malate church and Spanish powder mill on the right flank, thus secuiing the landing zone. At first light the invaders probed north up the beach road into the very outskirts of Manila itself, where the Redcoat skirmishers encountered their first serious tesistance, artillery fire coming from atop the southern bastion, although not before the scouting units had seized key strongpoints in the approaches. At 9 a.m. a Spanish galliot entered the bay, bringing word that the overdue galleon had at last reached Palapag on the island of Samar. Unaware of the outbreak of hostilities, the galliots captain sailed directly toward Manila's water gate to deliver this \ital message in person; only when the Brilish frigate Argo

o.fo[.er q

and a swaim of armed boats set out to intercept him did he realize the danger Chased into the shallows, the captain beached the galliot, its crew swimming ashore while the English ransacked and burned the vessel. The British captured the galliots four Spanish officers and conveyed them back to the squadron. One of those prisoners proved to be a young nephew of the archbishop. Thanks to intelligence from their captives, the British were now aware of the whereabouts of the Acapulco galleon, although they could not act on it immediately because of contrary winds. Besides, land operations were heating up: At midmoming, the Spaniards sallied forth from their defenses, only to be driven back with losses. In a horrifying sequel to that clash, Filipino in'egulars cut off a group of British seamen and savagely hacked them to pieces as they tried to sun'ender The natives carried their heads off as ghoulish trophies of war. When news of this atrocity spread throughout the British ranks, it stirred deep outrage. The Filipino tribesmen were prone to dismembering each other in their own local conflicts, and their passions were now fully aroused by the unexpected invasion of their homeland. Still, the British considered such practices beyond the pale, so General Draper sent a flag of truce to the Spaniards with a complaint, adding ominously, "I have a multitude of most fierce people who are unacquainted with the more JUNE 2005 MILITARY HISTORY 37

humane parts of war; it will not be in my power to restrain them if you give us more trouble." Roxo was ah eady aware of the ghastly incident, as one of the British heads had been pai aded through Manilas streets on the tip of a spear. He promptly issued an edict banning such "disorders" on pain of death and sent a message out to Draper suggesting they both control their auxiliaries. He also reproved the British commander for continuing to build siege works while the truce was in effect.

caught in no man's land. The lieutenant and drummer were kiUed, while the archbishop's nephew was mortally wounded when he tried to protect his benefactors. Both English bodies were then mutilated. By the time Roxo galloped out to restore order, their heads had already vanished. Soldiers from the British lines witnessed this dreadful .scene, furiher fueling the besiegers' rage. When the Spaniards hoisted a flag of truce on Manila's walls that evening, nobody in the British camp would venture out to meet it. Instead, they FIGHTING SOON RESUMED, and that night the merely raised a white flag of their own, after which British began bombarding Manila with a pair of 8- the Spaniards gingerly brought forth the maimed inch mortars. Next morning the Spaniards at- corpse of Lieutenant Fiyer with a note of apology tempted another sally, with the same lack of success from the archbishop. Draper returned an angry as the day before, after which Draper called for an- rebuke, absolving the Spaniards of direct blame, yet other cease-fire. This time he sent in a missive thank- insisting that they give him "the authors of this most ing the archbishop for restraining his Filipinos and barbarous murder" and concluding, "I likewise offered to restore his captured nephew to him as a demand the head of my secretary or shall send in the heads of all our prisoners in exchange." goodwill gesture. Roxo readily accepted, but through a misunderRoxo answered with another flag of truce the next standing ihe young man refused to come ashore day, September 29. Again he deplored the slayings from the ship where he was being held until around and stated he was moving heaven and earth to locate 10 p.m., by which time the truce had elapsed. The the killers, who would be sent out to face justice. In British resumed shelling the city, this time with an reply, a slightly mollified Draper suggested that the additional two mortars, while the Spaniards once Spaniards dispense with their Filipino aaxiliaries almore felt the English had violated the spirit of the together, arguing they were of little military value cease-fire by continuing with their siege dispositions. and only made a bad situation worse by their unDraper's actual motive for arranging those lulls— controllable excesses. If Roxo did not disband the besides the hope of convincing the archbishop to native warriors, the general added, "Your people surrender—was his desire to gain time for his en- then cannot be surprised if my soldiers should untrenching tools and heavy mortars to arrive aboard fortunately retaliate." Clearly, this demand could not HMS South Sea Castle, which had become separated be met, as the tribesmen were the bravest and most from the rest of hisfleet.Otherwise his drive against numerous defenders within the beleaguered city. None was ever dismissed. Lieutenant Fryer's head the defenses would be considerably hampered. On the morning of September 28, a group of Fili- was never found, and his assassins went unpunpino natives made a third sally and succeeded in ished. The two commanders stopped their polite exdislodging the Indian sepoys from their advance po- change of letters and got on with the business of war. sition at San Juan de Bagumbayan church. The Undoubtedly lent extra motivation by the desire sepoys counterattacked and recovered the outpost, for revenge, the British exhibited much more deterand as the tribesmen streamed back toward Manila, mination in their next attacks. The fleet transferred the gunners atop its walls signaled them to move eight 24-pounders ashore to serve Draper as a land aside so that they could fire on the pursuing Indians, battery, and Cornish detached an additional two who were then driven to take cover by the Spanish warships to bombard the Spanish bastions from out artillery. at sea. On the afternoon of September 29, Elizabeth It was at that moment, with the morning's skir- and Falmouth stood down to within 1,000 yards of mish apparently dying down and both sides retiring Manila's walls and opened fire. That range proved to their respective lines, that a British officer rose out too great, so after an hour the gunners stopped workof the trenches carrying a white flag, accompanied ing their pieces, waiting for their warships to shift in by a drummer and afigureclad all in black. After the closer under cover of darkness. That same night. drummer beat a long roll to request a parley, the trio South Sea Castle finally arrived with the missing started toward the ramparts. The dark figure was siege equipment and mortars, and next day both Archbishop Roxo's nephew, now about to be restored Elizabeth and Falmouth resumed blazing away from to his uncle by Drapers military secretary, a Lieu- 500 yards' range. Their efforts drew off some of the defenders' artillery, although they did not inflict tenant Fryer—until things went terribly wrong. The Spaniards later claimed the sepoys continued many casualties. Spanish counterfire proved spoto fire upon the natives, while the British claimed the radic and ineffective. undisciplined Filipino auxiliaries acted impulsively, Worsening weather posed a greater danger to the without provocation. In any event, the latter wheeled invaders. On the afternoon of September 30, gusts about and swarmed down upon this trio, now of wdnd and rain scudded across the bay out of the 38 MILfTAKV HISTORY JUNEZ005

until the British had smashed a practicable breach before suing for terms; in the meantime, they could evacuate Manila of its last noncombatants, along with its treasuiy and other valuables. The British were much closer to storming the ramparts than the Spaniards realized, however. On October 5, a scout reconnoitered into the very counterscarp of Manilas ditch, returning to the siege lines without anyonefiringa shot at him. He reported that the breach was sufficient for an assault, especially in light of the poor watch the Spaniards maintained beyond the walls.

The Spaniards' Filipino auxiliaries, such as the Igorot warriors of Luzon, impressed the British with their courage but enraged them with their habit of beheading and mutilating their enemies.

TWO HOURS BEFORE DAWN on October 6—12 days after its personnel had waded ashore—^the entire British force gathered in its forward trenches. At daybreak the batteries opened fire and storm columns surged into the breach. The southern bastion was in their hands before the Spaniards knew what was happening, and the gatehouses were overwhelmed amid fearful slaughter The doors then swung wide so that the rest of the invaders could pour into the darkened city streets. Their hour of vengeance was at hand. The Spanish were too demoralized to make any southwest, heralding a monsoon that threatened the expedition on its lee shore. This huge storm finally concerted stand within their doomed capital. The broke the night of Octoher I, but only South Sea British swept everything before them, while hunCastle was driven onto the beach. Even then, British dreds of Spanish and native soldiers leapt into the luck continued to hold. The store ship was not de- Pasig River in hopes of escape. Officials later estistroyed but rather grounded in an upright position, mated that more than 300 drowned. Roxo and his from which the crew could easily manage to offload staff sought refuge in the Santiago citadel at the north end of the city, but deeming it indefensible, its cai^o. Meanwhile the siege went ahead, troops throwing sent out a flag of truce at 8 a.m. requesting teiTns. up eaiihworks and cannons thudding away between Draper insisted upon unconditional surrender, and toirential downpours. At daybreak of the 3rd, new one hour later his troops ovenan the citadel and took British batteries opened fire ^A^th a resounding crash. the archbishop into custody. Spanish guns responded for about two hours before The British had suffered 36 killed and 111 eventually falling silent. wounded in the course of the siege. Casualties ln desperation, the Spaniards mounted an enor- among the Spanish regular troops totaled 178 dead, mous sortie the next night, more than 2,000 Pam- wounded or captured until that final assault, when panga warriors and 200 Spanish regulai"s emerging another 358 surrendered along with the city itself. to fall upon the British seamen's quarters at 3 a.m. The native casualties were apparently much higher Despite some initial success, the Filipinos and Span- but went unrecorded. ish were eventually driven back with heavy casualManila was sacked. British officers averted their ties. Draper, who was present, grudgingly admired eyes as the rank and file rampaged through its the natives' courage, noting that "although armed dwellings. After 24 hours of murder, rape and pillage, chiefly with bows, arrows and lances, they advanced sui-viving Spanish captives offered to ransom their up to the very muzzles of our pieces, repeated their unhappy city for 4 million pesos, payable at the treaassaults and died like wild beasts, gnawing the bay- sury of Madrid. Order was eventually restored via onets." A second Spanish attack succeeded in retak- draconian measures. Draper himself killed one ing the Bagumbayan church shortly before dawn, looter, while ordering another three hanged. By the but soon after that, the Spanish regulars were morning of October 8, the invaders' fury had spent broken and fled back into the city, shutting the gates itself and some semblance of calm returned, albehind them. Most tribesmen remained outside, though clumps of bodies still dangledfiom balconies crying for help until they either ran away or were and wrought-iron window grates throughout the shot down. gutted neighborhoods. According to the capitulation terms, the British With that repulse, Spanish resistance effectively collapsed. The archbishop met with his council on obtained possession of the entire island of Luzon, so the afternoon of the 4th to consider their options. It Draper shortly thereafter sent out parties to occupy was agreed that honor required them to at least wait its smaller towns. Previously the warships Panther JUNE 2005 MILITARY HISTORY 39

Ships in a Light Breeze, by Charles Brooking. Manila s British occupiers were thoroughly neglected until a passing merchant ship brought news that the Seven Years' War had ended.

and Argo had departed to seize the Acapulco galleon in the port of Palapag. Contrary winds prevented them from beating through the San Bernardino Strait, but on the evening of October 30, they beheld another sail coming through its channel toward them. This proved to be a second Spanish galleon, Santisima Trinidad, which had departed Manila for Mexico three months earlier, only to be forced to turn back after losing two masts in a typhoon off the Mariana Islands. Next morning, it fell an easy victim to the waiting Panther and Argo. On November 11, Draper set sail for London aboard the frigate Sea Horse, eager to convey home word of his victory. He airived in early April 1763, to find the Seven Years' War recently concluded. Nevertheless, the British public exulted at news of yet another triumph on the far side of the world. The government was less enthusiastic. The new prime minister, the unpopular Scottish-bom John Stuart, 3rd Earl of Bute, was determined to appease his country's defeated foes by offering them easy terms, and Manila was restored to Spain for next to nothing in exchange. The Spanish exchequer even refused to honor the ransom bills issued for the city, and Great Britain induced Draper to drop this latter demand by the promise of a knighthood—which would benefit him personally—without furnishing prize money to be shared among his troops. 40 MILITAKY HISTORY JUNE 2005

Once this deal was struck, a vessel began the long outward passage around the Cape of Good Hope with orders for the British forces to evacuate the Philippines. Half forgotten in their remote Asian outpost, the occupiers of Manila had failed to receive either pay or support from their home base in India throughout that period. The British troops left behind in Manila only learned about the end of the war from the chance arrival of a merchant ship. This gross neglect eventually led to a complete breakdown in morale. What ensued "was disputes, quarrels, drunkenness and desertion," according to one man who was there, with noncommissioned officers and privates looking upon themselves "as discharged and slighted." To make matters worse, the Spanish and native guerrillas ignored the suspension of hostilities, harassing British patrols and foraging parties outside the walls, and even floating headless English corpses down the Pasig River into the city. By the time the last British invaders departed Manila on April 12, 1764, they were heartily glad to be rid of their bloodsoaked prize. MH David F. Marley is a Canadian author of British and Spanish naval history. For further reading, he recommends Documents Illustrating the British Conquest of Manila, 1762-1763, by Nicholas P. Cushner.

NTERVIEW

Airborne Warrior in World Frank Thompson joined in every operation involving the 82nd Airborne Division except one—D-Day. BY BARRYPOPCHOCK

42 MILrrABY HISTORY JUNE 2005

Opposite: One of numerous ad hoc elements of the 505th Parachute Regimental Combat Team scattered across southeastern Sicily on July 10, 1943, prepares to carry out its mission, in TJie Beginning, by James Dietz. Left: Having qualified for the 82nd Airborne Division. Private Frank Thompson proudly displays his wings [All photos courtesy of Marian Thompson).

n Parachute Infantry, his memoir of service in World War II, David Kenyon Webster wrote, "The paratroops were life itself, life and death and the thrill of conquering yourself by jumping from an aiiplane." Although he never met Webster, Frank Thompson shares those sentiments. A staff sergeant in Headquarters Company, 1 st Battalion, 505th Parachute Infantry Regiment (PIR), 82nd Airborne Division, Thompson made 18 jumps—15 in training and three in combat operations. Thompson hails fi'om a family of soldiers, tracing his military roots back through the Civil War to the American Revolution. Now a retired attorney living in suburban Pittsburgh, Pa., he often seeks refuge in his country cabin, stocked with books on American and British history— campaigning with the British in Italy and northwest Europe made him a lifelong Anglophile. During a recent interview for Military History, Thompson insisted that he could still hear "the rustle of the jumpsuits when they shut off the music as the 1 st Battalion passed in review for Ike." Military History: You entered the militaiy service on February 13, 1942, in Pittsburgh, at age 20. What were you doing in civilian life at the time? Thompson: I u^as a junior in chemical engineering at Grove City College.

JUNE 2005 MILITARV HISTORV 43

MH: What made you want to become a paratrooper? Thompson: I saw the movie Parachute Battalion. Of course, if you're going to be in a war, the hest place to he is with soldiers who know what to do in a war. And the hest troops we had at that time appeared to he the airhome troops. MH: Where did you do your hasic training? Thompson: Camp Roberts, Calif. MH: From there you went to jump school? Thompson: Yes—Fort Benning, Ga. It's the most painful experience that I have ever had. The jump school was just absolutely unbelievable in the stress it put on you and the dedication you had to have to survive it. One of the first close calls I had was in the jump sehool. When I went out the door of the plane, my toe caught in the door, and I was upside down. Three guys went over top of me hefore my toe came loose. MH: Do you recall that first time you made a parachute jump? Thompson: Oh, sure. One of the things that amazed me was that during the time between when you exit the door and your chute opens, which is only about three seconds, it's really the only time in your life that you don't have any stress on your body. You're just completely free. We were using the original white silk parachutes. They had not been designed for the type of thing that we were doing. Subsequently, we got nylon ehutes that had bigger vents in the top, and the chutes were more maneuverable. MH: What kind of weapons and equipment did you take on a combat jump? Thompson: When we jumped in Sieily, the equipment inspection included 64 items, which went in all of your pockets on your jumpsuit. At the time of Sicily, it did not include a rifle. Rifles were dropped in bundles. Subsequently, they developed a carrying case, so you broke the rifle down and put it in a carrying case, which was stuck under your parachute harness. The M-l Garand was the standard nfle for both specialized troops

44 MILITARY HISTORY JUNE 2005

like my mortar squad and, of course, for the riflemen. I had an escape kit for Sicily and Italy, which gave me Italian money and a silk map of the area so that if I got lost, I could maybe find my way. I had a little compass about the size of a dime. With the parachutes, my equipment weighed 125 pounds. I was just barely ahle to walk. But when you get on the ground, you lose the weight of all the parachute harness and the parachutes. So you get down to about 75 pounds. And we took on our persons additional ammunition bandoliers to give to the infantrymen for their rifles. So we had some additional weight that we lost once we were on the ground. Each guy would carry a couple extra bandoliers and then turn them in to the supply sergeant, who would then issue them to the riflemen and machine gunners as they needed ammo. MH: You were a staff sergeant in chaise of an 81mm mortar? Thompson: When I jumped in Sicily and Italy, I was a squad leader. My section sergeant was killed in Normandy. So then I was elevated to section sergeant, and that was what I was until the end of the war The mortar platoon was composed of two sections, two squads to a section. Each squad had a mortar. Generally speaking, either the platoon sergeant or one of the section sergeants would be a forward observer MH: Tell me about the time you were accidentally shot on a training exercise. Thompson: We'd trained in Morocco for a period of time prior to moving up to Tunisia for the invasion of Sicily. We used live ammunition. The idea was to get us acclimated to the sounds of battle. I got shot through the shoulder I guess maybe I was the first person in the division to get shot. We carried morphine, and 1 used my morphine to ease the pain. They put me in an ambulance to go across the desert to a field hospital. With no roads and this jarring—it was so vicious that I couldn't stand the pain anymore. I was really just heside myself, so they gave me another shot of morphine. Well, that shut off the pain in just

Thompson stands at the head of the chow line during training at Fort Benning, Ga., in 1943.

knife out and cut my leg straps. Later we went through the area looking for our equipment. We still didn't have all our bundles, with our mortars and machine guns. Anyway, when I got my chute out of the tree, I counted the bullet holes in it, and there were 17. Six of us got together, and we hid out in an olive grove because there was all kinds of firing all around us. But the bulk of the 300 guys got together, and they formed a cohesive unit with officers. The next day, or maybe it was two days later, we got together with the other guys. While marching along a road south of Syracuse, who comes along but [Field Marshal Bernard L.] Montgomery, standing up in a Bren gun carrier. Because I am the one at the head of the column, on the right-hand side, a minute or two. I got to the hospital, and the nurses ran salt water through the hole from each side, cleaned it out, put a bandage on it, and put me in a cot. I came out of the hospital 11 days before we jumped in Sicily. The wound still hurt considerably. MH: In July 1943, you jumped with the 505th Regimental Combat Team into Sicily. Thompson: There were 300 of us dropped 65 miles from the drop zone. The regimental mission was outside of Gela. There was ven- heavy wind, and it was so bad that it almost postponed the mission. We flew out of central Tunisia and almost due east to Malta. They were supposed to have checkpoint lights on Malta, but our planes got blown off course. So we never saw the lights. The pilots, when they discovered that they had missed Malta, made a left turn just as if they had come to Malta, hoping to find Sicily someplace out there. Well, when they got to Sicily, instead of approaching from the south, they flew into the eastern side. They thought, "We've got to turn and go along the coast." That's what we were supposed to do at Gela. They turned and flew south. When I came out the door, there's the ocean, just exacUy where they told me it would be. While 1 was coming down, we were subject to small-arms fire. You could see the tracers coming up at you. We got dumped out at about 2,000 feet. This is a good 1,400 feet higher up than we should have been. I landed in this olive tree, and my toes just reached the ground. I couldn't get my leg straps unbuckled, so I got my jump

Trainees practiced jumping from these towers at Fort Benning prior to jumping from airplanes. Fifteen of the 18 parachute jumps Thompson made were done in training.

I'm the one that's nominated to salute him. So I did, and I got a return salute from Montgomery, a big smile. At the end of a week or less, because the British couldn't resupply our ammunition or anything like that, the decision was made to send us back to Africa as guards. I had two fellows with me, and I was assigned to guard 800 Italian prisoners in the hold of an LST [landing ship, tank]. MH: The second combat jump you made was on the Salerno beachhead in September 1943. Thompson: Yes. Then we went from there across the Gulf of Salerno in American LCIs [landing craft, infantry] and were put down on the beach at Maiori. From there we went up to the [Soirento] plateau. We were tmcked in British tiucks up to the top of that escarpment, and then from there on we were on foot, all the way into Naples. We were following the Geimans, and they were putting mines in ever\' place and booby traps. They didn't fight for anything. They were withdrawing beyond Naples, but nobody knew that. Every tunnel you had to go through, you had to be worried about whether you'd come out the end of it, and there would be an 88 [mm cannon] there looking for you. We were with the British X Corps to provide infantry support. We were the point for the X Corps. We captured Naples, and then we were asked to provide infantry' support on up to the VoltLiiTio River beyond Naples. In Naples there was an office building down close to the waterfront, which was occupied by our division engineei^. The division engineers had gone inlo this building and swept for mines and booby traps. About the 12th or 13th day, the building blew up, and 76 of them were Idlled. The Germans had dug up the floor, put aerial bombs underneath, and recemented ihe floor so the minesweepers wouldn't find them. That was devastating because that was our JUNE 2005 MILITARY HISTORY 45

The mortar platoon of Headquarters Company, 1st Battalion, 505th Parachute Infantry Regiment on April 13, 1943. Thompson is on the left in the last row, representing the 4th Squad.

made it. When we came in over the drop zone, I could hear the bullets. So I figured some German machinegunner was shooting at us. The bullets were going through the hull of the plane or the fuselage and maybe through some of the parachutes. But I never beard of anybody getting hit. But I heard this sound, and 1 thought to myself, "Boy, that's what that is. That's small-arms fire going through the planes." The drop zone, of course, was level fields, open area. The local German soldiers were guys that were killed. rear-echelon people and maybe sick personnel. They MH: You missed the 505ths next combat jump, at Normandy scrammed, and the area around was captured without very on June 6, 1944. What happened? much shooting. Thompson: I was briefed. I was sealed in. The routine for an MH: You landed near the town of Groesbeek in Holland? airborne mission was that you got sealed in once they started Thompson: Yes. We operated in this area. My guns were set to brief people. They had barbed wire around the camp, and it up in Holland. But my observation post was in this great big was a court-martiaJ offense to go out through that wire without house along the edge of the escarpment down to the Rhine, official leave. I had this sore mouth, and the swelling started which was in Germany. So when I went up to this obsenation down in my collarbone. I went on sick call, and the doctor took post, I came across a sign that said, "You are entering Germany," just one look at me and said, "You're going to the hospital." which was about 100 yards from this house. Once the battle staWhat I had was trench mouth, and...an impacted molar. So I bilized, there wasn't much change in our position. 1 must have was in the hospital for 21 days. 1 can still remember lying there spent two weeks in this German house down on the border. We in a bed and hearing the planes, knowing the guys were going, could see the Germans moving. They were dug in along a dike, and there I am—missed the great event of all time. and it was a quiet time. One time, this guy must have had dysenMH: The next combat jump for the 505th was Operation tery or something because he got out from his hole. He's out Market-Garden on September 18, 1944. there doing his business, taking a crap. So I thought, "What the Thompson: Usually we had a longer time to prepare. We hell. Let's see how I'm zeroed in." 1 called back to the guns, and jumped on a Sunday afternoon—broad daylight, sunny. We flew we fired one round. Then this guy got up and went back in his 150 miles over German territory with the Germans down there hole, and my shell hit right where he'd been! shooting at us like mad. We landed south of Nijmegen. Our job MH: Why didn't you advance? was to capture the bridges across the [Waal] river at Nijmegen. Thompson: The real thing that prevented the success of the When we came in on Sunday afternoon, it was really a beauti- mission at Amhem was the fact that it rained. That part of Holful, clear day. We had all these fighter planes firing rockets. They land is what is called polder. The roads are way up above the got right mixed in with our formations. So anytime a German ground. If you get off the road and you get in that polder when machine-gunner down on the ground fired up at us, why a Spit- its wet, you're just going to go down. It's like quicksand. The fire or a P-51 would go down and visit him. I was at the back of Germans blew every culvert and every little bridge all the way the plane. I can see these little cherry-colored balls coming up, up [to Amhem]. So when these British tanks tried to get through and I thought, "Well, eventually, one of those is going to come to Amhem, they went off the roads, and as soon as they went right up through my foot." I don't know if the plane ever got hit off the road to go around the culvert, the tanks bogged down. with any of them or not. The initial mission, as far as the air- If we would have won the battle, the war would have been over. borne was concerned, was a great success. They dropped us It was the greatest parachute mission, and our guys talk more right on the drop zone. As far as I know, most of the planes about Holland than they do about Normandy, in battles, you 46 MIUIARY HISTORY JUNE 2005

Thompson [right) and Sergeant George Damianov man an 81mm mortar position. Damianov was scheduled to fight an exhibition bout with boxer Joe Lewis in September 1944, but Operation MarketGarden intervened. After landing in Groesbeek, Thompson's unit operated near the Dutch-German border for the next two weeks.

win 'em and lose 'em. It's the only one we ever lost. MH: The next major action that the 505th saw was at the Battle of the Bulge. Where were you billeted when you were called back into action? Thompson: Suippes, France. Of course, the company had been in action in Normandy, and we had been in Holland—for an extended period in Holland—and weaponry really needed to be reconstituted. Our mortars, some of them, were worn. Some of them were rusty. We had machine guns that needed new parts. So all the major weaponry was turned back in to ordnance when we got back to France. We had our rifles and our personal military gear, but there were people that didn't have rifles for one reason or another. On the night of the orders to move into the Bulge [December 17, 1944], I was at the ballet. We got into the theater, and before the ballet even started, they called for plans and training: "All plans and training personnel report to headquarters." Well, then, it wasn't very long until they wanted S-2s, S-3s and S-4s [intelligence, operations and supply officers]. So by the time the ballet was mostly over, we had an idea that something was in the wind, and it wasn't good. When the ballet was finished, the announcement was made—everybody was to report back to their companies immediately. I got back to the company about 11 o'clock, and the temporary orders were there that we were moving out at 5 o'clock in the morning. At 5 a.m. the trucks came. They were quartermaster trucks. We loaded up. When we got up to the northern part of the Bulge it was raining, and it was about midnight. You didn't know where the Germans were. We were told to de-truck and move off the road. I was getting down out of the truck, and I hear this BAR [Browning Automatic Rifle] go off. This fellow from C Company in the truck right behind us had put his BAR under the seat of the truck, and when he got down out of the truck, he pulled the thing out. The trigger caught, and it just emptied the clip right into his guts. We moved off the road, and we just kind of huddled down in the woods. Then at daybreak, we formed this big skirmish line and we started east, looking for the Germans. That was a hairy experience, because you'd come out of some woods and there's a nice peaceful valley. You're going to start crossing this field, and you don't know if there's a damn German over there or not. Fortunately, we never had any problems. We eventually got to a place where they staried to assign companies [and] battalions to sectors where they were going to intercept this German advance. It was wet, and maybe there would be wet snow flurries. We didn't have any boots, overshoes, overcoats and that kind of thing. But I have no recollection of snow until at least three or four days into the battle. It kept getting progressively colder, and when the counterat-

tack came in January, there was snow. MH: General James Gavin, in his book On to Berlin, refers to the Christmas Eve strategic withdrawal. The 82nd fell back to a stronger defensive position. Thompson: That's the only time we ever had a major withdrawal during the war. We marched all night. It was cold, and there was a dusting of snow. Our destination was a ridge running east and west on a line through Stavelot, Malmedy and Trois Ponts. On reaching this line about daybreak, we were joined by the company cooks with our Christmas dinner of hot coffee, turkey, stuffing, cranberries and mashed potatoes. This was the first time we had a hot meal since leaving France. Shortly after the sun came up, the [Lockheed] P-38 dive bombers showed up overhead. They were bombing a German column on a road leading toward the ridge. They came out of their dives right over us, and we could see the bombs detach and drift down into the valley. About six weeks later, we moved over the road where the German column had been trapped by the P-38s. The tanks, trucks and artillery were smashed beyond belief. Our bulldozers had simply cleared the road by pushing the debris over the edge. After the Battle of the Bulge was over, we went up to the Rhine. [In February 1945] we went through a portion of the Siegfried Line. MH: Did you have any particularly scary moments? Thompson: We were in the Hurtgen Forest for a while. That was a nasty place. We moved into a combat position up to the Roer River through Schmidt. We were going down this long slope toward this river. Over on the other side was a great big high bank, and there was a road up there on top of that bank. JUNE 2005 MILITARY HISTORV 47

Thompson (far leftl Damianov [second from right} and fellow paratroopers show off a German flag they captured. Still more fighting lay ahead at the Bulge and the Hurtgen Forest

Thompson: Our mission was to get a pontoon bridge across the Elbe so that Montgomery's tanks could get into Llibeck on the Baltic to keep the Russians out of Denmark. We made this crossing of the Elbe in the morning, I guess about midnight. We were rowed across. That is. the assault waves were rowed across the Elbe by British sailors, with outboard motors in reserve. They rowed us over until flares went up, and they said the bank had been captured. Then they started the outboard motors, and in a minute, we were on the bank. That was quite a crossing. It was storming and shelling. Of course, at that point, the Germans had lost the war, and it was all just pretense, putting up a battle. They surely didn't want to let the Russians in before we got there. By noon that day. the British had got the pontoon bridge built—almost a halfmile. Montgomery's tanks got into Lubeck four hours ahead of We could see our vehicles moving on that road. The Germans were on the other side of that, and they were shooting at this the Russians. So we had a front up there with the Russians. I road. One of these shells went over the hill. I looked up, and had an outpost. I had guards on one end of this little bridge, and here I saw this goddamn artillery shell coming right at m e ^ the Russians were on the other end of the bridge. It was in a right at me! Well, the damn shell hit a limb and went off. I didn't forest area where there wasn't any particular action. get hit at all. The guy in back of me got a big piece of shrapnel MH: Did you ever get to intermingle with Russian troops? in his leg. We recaptured the place where the Pennsylvania Na- Thompson: No. I saluted them. Talk about marionettes! They tional Guard [28th Division] lost so many men. We called it salute everybody. Privates salute privates in the Russian army. Death Valley. We moved through that area where they had been MH: What was your opinion of the German fighting man? lying on the ground from sometime back in September, I guess, Thompson: Very good. Everything considered, they were, on until we recaptured the ground in February. It was terrible: average, probably better than the average American soldier. Up guys—skeletons—lying there on a stretcher with bones holding against tbe American paratroop units, the Germans, even the an entrenching tool, [where they'd been] trying to dig a hole in SS, got licked. But they got beaten for reasons other than the the ground. The Germans apparently never went into that area. military proficiency of the soldiers. I know how devastating These fellows still had their wristwatches on the bones of their German artillery was coming our way. But when our artillery wrists. There wouldn't have been anything like that left if fired the other way, it was 20 times as intense. MH: Were you on postwar occupation duty in Berlin? German soldiers had moved through there. Thompson: No. I had applied to the Army for two postwar MH: As you were making your way across Europe, I underschoolings: one at Oxford and one at the Sorbonne. I was transstand you had an opportunity to observe some of Adolf Hitlers fened to the 17th Airborne Division for redeployment to the terror weapons. States, and while 1 was there, my orders came through to report Thompson: During the Battle of the Bulge, the Germans to the Sorbonne in Paris. So 1 was with the 506th Parachute started to fire V-ls. They were firing at Liege, and we held this Infantry for about five or six days, and then I went to Paris. I ridge on the northern part of the Bulge. These V-1 s would come was offered, if I would stay with the 82nd, a chance to be the over our ridge, no more than 75 or 100 feet up! So we re lying first sergeant of the company and go to Berlin. Well, I stayed there in our slit trenches looking up, and we could see the little with going to the Sorbonne, and IVe never regretted that. MH twinkle of the exhaust on these engines. The orders were, "Don't shoot at them because they're not hitting anything. They're shooting them into the woods up there, and if you happen to Pittsburgh-based writer Barry Popchock died shortly before this shoot one down, it's liable to kill somebody down here." We interview was published. For further reading, try: On to Berlin, could have shot the damn things down. by James Gavin; A Bridge Too Far, by Cornelius Ryan; and ParaMH: On April 30, 1945, the 505th crossed the Elbe River. chute Infantrv, by David Kenvou Webster. 48 MILITARY HISTORY JUNE 2005

EMPEROR JULIAN'S Mesopotamian Invasion

In March 363. a Roman army commanded by Emperor Julian (right) crossed the Euphrates River to confront a foe that had been threatening the empire's eastern provinces for years: Shapur II (opposite], the Sassanian king of Persia (Right: R. SheridanAejAAAC/ Topham/The Image Works; Opposite: Giraudon/Art Resource, N,Y,].

50 MIUTAKV HISTORV JUNE 2005

In earlier clashes witn trie Persians, tne Romans became accustomed to battling mobile Partbian cavalry. In AD 3 6 3 , bowever, tbey were raced witb Sassanian lortiiications and soorcbed-eartb tactics. BY GLENN BARNEH

allujah, Ramadi, Baghdad and Samarra are all towns associated with the American occupation of Iraq in 2003, and have continued to make headlines thereafter as the scenes of resistance and conflict. They are also sites of battles fought by the Roman Emperor Julian more than 1,600 years ago. For seven centuries the two superpowers of the ancient world, the Roman empire and the Parthian and Sassanid dynasties of Persia, whose territories included what are now called Iran, Iraq and Afghanistan, alternately fought cind coexisted along their fluid common border. Iraq, then more widely known by its Greek name of Mesopotamia ("land between the tworivers"),was so much a part of the Persian world that the Sassanid capital was at Ctesiphon, just 30 miles south of modem Baghdad in the province called Asuristan. The two empires clashed periodically in and around that region. Just as the lands along the Nile River in Egypt were the granary of the Roman world, so the fertile region between the Tigris and Euphrates rivers served as the breadbasket of Persia. This verdant land was the only place in Persia where the 10,000-strong cavalry of the Parthian (and JUNE 2005 MILITARY HISTORY 5!

later Sassanid) king's army could graze its horses year-round. During the time of Diocletian (AD 297), the Romans reached their greatest territorial extent, at the expense of the Persian King Narses. The new province of Mesopotamia was annexed as well as land beyond the Tigris. Roman Mesopotamia encompassed the area known today as Kurdistan in northeasteTTi S\Tia, northern Iraq and southern Turkey. This did not sit well with the Persians, but a generation would pass before they would again be strong enough to contest the Roman aggression. Then, in AD 309, King Hormizd II died, and his son. Adamases. proved so unsuitable a successor that Persian magnates killed him, blinded one of his brothers and imprisoned another, Homiizd. They then placed a crown on the stomach of a pregnant concubine of the late Hoimizd II, thus proclaiming her son king before he was even bom. That son. Shapur II, would indeed become a poweiful monarch who would reign—and vex Rome—for 70 years. At the death of Emperor Constantine I in AD 337, Shapur was ready to make his move. On three occasions, in 338. 346 and 350, his warriors routed Roman armies and pillaged the Mesopotamian countryside. He was unable lo take the fortified cities, however—in particular Nisibis. Situated on what is now the Turkish-Syrian frontier, 120 miles west of Mosul, that Roman stronghold held out against all attacks and forced Shapur to recross the Tigris at the end of the campaign season. From 350 to 357, Shapur was preoccupied with troubles on the eastern end of his kingdom against a new invader, the White Huns. Successful in three campaigns agaiast that nomadic and

far-reaching people, Shapur then enlisted them as allies in his battles with Rome in 359. Historian Amminaus Marceilinus, watching ihe combined armies crossing the Tigris, observed "the horizon was filled with countless hosts of men." Only the Euphrates in flood prevented the Persians and Huns from rampaging their way to the eastern Mediterranean. Frustrated in its attempts to cross the river, Shapurs army turned its wrath on the Roman crossroads city of Amida (now Diyarbakir in Turkey). After suffering heavy losses, including the death of the Hunnic chieftain's son, Shapurs army finally took Amida, then retired to graze its horses for the winter. N THE SPRING OF 360, the Persian army returned to Mesopotamia and captured more Roman walled towns. Nisibis continued to successfuEy defy Shapur, but no Roman aiiny took thefieldto oppose him. Emperor Constantius II, son of Constantine, always had to watch his back against other foes, both foreign and domestic. In order to keep the western Roman armies out of the hands of potential rivals, he appointed his studious philosopher cousin, Flavius Claudius Julianus, or Julian, to command the aimies along the Rhine River. That move backfired when the bookish Julian, to everyone's surprise, swiftly defeated several Germanic tribes attempting to cross the Rhine, then pursued them across the river to reinforce his point. Constantius, partially to reinforce his own armies against Persia and pariially to undermine any ambitions on the part of his popular cousin, ordered that the cream of Julian's army be transferred to Asia Minor. Julian was willing, but his troops

Persian military dignitahes line up, swords in hand, at the Sassanian court of Shapur II, in a carved rock relief found In the cave of Tange Chowgan near Bishapur, located in Fars province, Iran. 52 MILITARY HISTORY JUNE 2005

refused to go, instead proclaiming him their emperor. That put Julian in a tricky position. If he refused, the army would abandon and perhaps kill him. If he accepted, he would have to fight his cousin. He chose the latter course. His army moved east, while Constantius moved his forces away from the Persian frontier to contest his progress. Civil war was averted by the fortuitous death of Constantius on November 3, 361. The entire Roman world breathed a sigh of relief as Julian entered Constantinople and accepted the crown of Augustus. Quickly settling affairs in the eastern capital, he moved to Antioch to face the Persian threat.

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EANWHILE, THE HUNS' obligation to fight for Shapur seems to have expired, for histories of the time no longer mention their presence in the Persian ranks. Instead they would continue their nomadic migi*ation westward across the Eurasian steppes, to unsettle the Western Roman empire a century later. Without his formidable ally, Shapur prudently sent envoys to Julian to gauge his temper and assure the emperor of his goodwill. Julian would have none of it. His meeting with the Persian envoys in Antioch ended abmptly when he insulted them and their king. The Persians were not the only people whom the new emperor offended. He had been raised as a Christian in the court of his uncle Constantine (whom he had loathed), but his formative years had been spent in the schools of the Greek philosophers in Athens. He much pre- Defying Eiiipuiui CoiistaiUius 11, Flavius Claudius Julianus' legionaries proclaim him ferred the old religion and renounced emperor in Paris, in an engraving by Joseph Blanc. Civil war was averted when Christianity, earning himself the sobri- Constantius died on November 3, 361, and Julian's imperium became official. quet Julian the Apostate. When he referred to the loyal Germanic soldiers of his western army as "god-fearing," he meant polvtheistic. The archers. Shields were strengthened, and units of cavalry and empeixjr, however, was sadly out of step with his eastern armies, light archers were augmented. Future Roman excursions into whose soldiers were mostly Christian, as was the population of Mesopotamia would feature the caltrop, four metal spikes the eastern Mediterranean. He was also at odds with his allies, welded together so that one always faced skyward. The caltrops the Armenians, who had accepted Christianity before Con- were strewn around the Roman line to impale a horse's hoof stantine. Even the Arab tribes who flocked to his banner for a and bring the animal up lame. Even changing tactics, however, price were nominally Christian. could not ensure Roman victory. In March 363, Julian crossed the Euphrates over a pontoon Carrhac had other unfortunate memories for the Romans. In bridge with as many as 100,000 men. His first stop was at Carr- AD 217, Emperor Caracalla was murdered by an aide while hae (just north of today's Syrian border, in Turkey), a town making a pilgrimage to Carrhae's famed Temple of the Moon, whose significance was etched deep into the Roman psyche. eerily near the battlefield where Crassus fell. Julian found the There, in 53 BC, Rome fought its first war with Parthian-ruled same temple in disrepair, owing to the Christian contempt for Persia—and lost when the wealthy and vain General Marcus all things pagan, and ordered it restored. Licinius Crassus was killed along with his son and 20,000 of his After praying to the ancient gods, Jnlian proceeded with his men, with another 10,000 taken prisoner. After Canhae, the campaign and made the fii"st of many tactical and strategic misRomans adopted tactics to counter the mobile Parthian horse takes. He detached 30,000 men from his main force to join up JUNE 2005 MILnARY HISTORV 53

with the Armenians and harass the Persians in their rich province of Medea, in what is now northwestern Iran. The Romans had invaded the Persian hinterland before. In 36 BC Mark Antony, seeking revenge for Crassus' defeat, had invaded Medea, only to lose another 20,000 men. In AD 231, Emperor Alexander Severus had led another invasion of Persia, dividing his army into three columns that were not mutually supporting. One column invaded Medea, initially roaming the countryside unopposed. When the Romans tried to retire, however, they were harassed on all sides by hostile bands of mobile archers and slingers that knew the hills and passes. The result was another Roman debacle that doomed Severus' southern column in Mesopotamia.

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consume with several more such fortresses ahead, impressed upon the inhabitants that the Persian army was far away and hinted that all within the walls would die if they resisted. The garrison duly sun endered, and the town was evacuated, sacked and burned. The brick walls and buildings in Mesopotamia were mortared with pitch, which made them incredibly strong, but they burned readily. Lea\ing the smoldering ruins of Anatha behind, Julian rapidly continued south. Near Al-Hadithah. site of a present-day dam on the Euphrates, Julian came across the island fortress of Thi-

OR HIS OWN REASONS, Julian followed the example of his unsuccessful predecessors, sending at least a third of his army through the Armenian foothills to join up with crack Armenian cavalry units for the diversionary invasion of Medea. After completing that feint, the Romans and Armenians were to move south and reinforce Julian for the climactic battle at Ctesiphon. While that column marched off, Julian proceeded to the Euphrates, where he was met by a fleet of more than 1,000 dverboats that he had enlisted, confiscated or built. Some were warships and some were for use as pontoons when bridging rivers, but most were supply ships carrying virtually everything the troops needed—food, tents, firewood, weapons, animal fodder and siege engines. Julian's southward line of march spread his army out across the vast plain between the rivers. Arab cavalrymen covered his left flank all the way east to the Tigris. His right flank was covered b\ his own auxiliary riders from Mauritania and Gaul, who stayed in contact with the Euphrates and the long string of supply ships moving slowly downstream. The emperor himself led the main Roman column down the Tigris-Euphrates Valley. A Sassanian relief at Roud-I-Shapur. Iran, depicts the head of a typical Roman In advance of his main force, pioneers and scouts legionary at the time of Julian's invasion. Although unfamiliar with the roamed the countryside searching for potential Mesopotamian desert, the Romans campaigned with characteristic ingenuity. campsites, foraging for food, seeking local news and gathering intelligence. As they marched, the Romans passed a monument to another emperor, Gordian III, lutha. Its commander, while refusing to suirender, promised to who had achieved some victories there in AD 244—including a be neutral in the struggle between king and emperor. Rather pitched battle at Fallujah that both sides claimed to have won— than waste his time in a lengthy siege, Julian took the Persians before being struck down by a usurper. promise at face value and continued downstream. He would Julian's invasion force included an instrument of regime accept similar promises from two other river forts. change—Hormizd, Shapur s older half-brother, who had escaped In late April, Julians forces came to a deserted village called from prison in 323 and who now led a portion of the Roman Baraxmalcha. He sent forces across the rtver to the west, which cavalry. Julian hoped that if he killed or captured Shapur, marched inland for seven miles to find a hastily abandoned Hormizd. returning from his long exile, would ascend the Sas- market town called Diacira (at or near modem-day Hit). The sanid throne and establish peace and friendship with Rome. storehouses were full of grain, and the Romans confiscated all The first border town the Romans reached was Anatha the goods they could find, including valuable stores of rock salt. (modem-day Anah, today a center for smuggling contraband They then bumed down the town. Their task was made easier from Syria to Iraqi resistance fighters). There, they found a by natural springs of tar oozing from the ground nearby. strong fortress built on an island in the riven Julian, confident By that time Persian forces had arrived and began attacking that he could take the fort but mindful of the time a siege would Roman patrols. Without his Hunnic allies, and with 30,000 54 MILITARY HISTORY JUNE 2005

Romans and Armenians threatening from the north, Shapur a patchwork of irrigation ditches. The Persians destroyed the could only send a few thousand foot archers and light cavalrv dikes ahead of the invaders to flood the fields along their line of to harass Julians progress. Shapur's force, however, was aug- march, -^ain the Romans' progress was delayed while pontoons mented by hundreds of Assanatic Arab warriors, whose home and bridges were laid out for them to cross. was in that part of the desert and who did not take kindly to While traversing the Naarmalcha, or "king's canal," between Romans pillaging their towns. the rivers, Julian's forces came upon the fortified city of MaozaThe Persian forces were commanded by the serena, their mili- malcha (near modem-day A]-Mahmudiyah). While personally tary chief, who was second in authority only to Shapur. He lined reconnoitering the town, the emperor was nearly killed in an up his archers in battle order about a mile from the Roman ambush. Julian angrily resolved to take the city by stomi. After camp, which was situated a little north of Ramadi. Julian led a haxitless fix)ntal attack, all Rome's skills in siegecraft were put his men out into his own formations, just out of arrow l'ange, into practice. A triple earthen wall was thrown up around the then ordered his front ranks to charge at full speed toward the town, ditches were filled in, mines dug, siege engines and cataenemy line. That move, unusual for Roman infantry, was so un- pults brought up and protected, and towers constructed. Meanexpected that the Persian bowmen could only get off a few vol- while cavalry patrols rode far and wide to keep Persian forces leys before their position was overrun. The archers broke and at bay and to bring in provisions. The Romans also employed ran. Relishing their victory, the Romans resumed their advance. a new tactic, sending patrol boats into the swamps, the sluggish Starting near the modem city of Ramadi, the Euphrates had rivers and the vast alluvial plains of southern Iraq, seaiching for been diverted in several places by man-made canals that flowed food and enemy movement. eastward into the Tigris. They brought water inland to irrigate the lush fields of aneient Babylonia—and also served as defenOMAN EFFORTS TO STORM Maozamalcha, slowed by sive barriers against invaders. The larger canals flowed more the increasing seasonal heat failed to overcome the derapidly than the Euphrates. They would have to be bridged, fense. Only when a tunnel had been advanced beneath which slowed Julian's timetable. Several pack animals were lost the walls, and attacks were coordinated to distract the defendin crossing a swift-moving canal, and Persian archers waited ers from the soldiers emei-ging in their midst from undergi"ound, on the south bank to impede the Romans' progress, was the city taken. The road was then open to Ctesiphon. At the elbow of the Euphrates and the southern bank of one It seems that in every age the rulers of Iraq have enjoyed the of its canals, hetween Ramadi and Fallujah, Julian came upon privilege of vast estates. The Romans next came across a lai^e and the fortress of Perisabora. In the Islamic era the Arabs would comfoitable villa with an enclosed wild animal park, including rename the town Al-Anbar, and though it has been long aban- lions, wild boars and bears. Every animal, familiar or exotic, was doned, it lives on today as the name of the encompassing Iraqi hunted down and killed, and the army feasted on their meat. province. As a defensive measure, the towns defenders had dug Up to that point, the Persian serena'^ tactic had been to husa ditch between the river and the canal so it was completely sur- band his outnumbered forces and harass the Romans without rounded by water Judging it unsound to leave a hostile Perisa- comnnitting himself to a pitched battle. As Julian's army neared bora at his rear, Julian appealed to the garrison to surrender It Asuristan's capital, however, the serena would have to make a refused, and during the night he ordered the ditch filled in and stand. Traversing the last three miles of the canal system in a siege engines brought forward. On the next day the walls were single march to reach the Tigris River opposite Ctesiphon, the breached and the Romans poured into the city. The defenders legionaries could see the Persian army lined up on the far shore, retreated to a strong citadel atop a natural outcropping, into prepared to contest their crossing. which—much to the Romans' disappointment—^they had alHolding a war council with his generals, Julian—noting that ready drawn everything of value. Julian renewed his attack. the Sassanids, like the Parthians before them, did not fight at Several attempts to storm the stronghold ended in costly fail- night—proposed that his troops cross the river at just that time. ure. Julian pulled back and ordered the construction of a hele- Opposition to his plan was unanimous, but he would not be depolis ("city-taker"). This was a portable siege tower that would terred. be higher than the citadel's walls once completed. Seeing what Several supply boats were emptied and filled with troops. The was in store for them, the defenders lost their nerve and asked largest of them could hold 80 armed men. The boats were to discuss terms of capitulation. formed into three squadrons and sent out in the darkness. Some The gaiTison commander, Mamersides, had himself lowered soldiers who were strong swimmers used their wooden shields by a rope from the high wall to negotiate with Hormizd, the pre- as floats and swam across. When the first squadron landed on tender to the Persian throne who was in Julian's retinue. Julian the eastern bank of the Tigris, the Persians discovered it and benevolently allowed the 2,500 defenders safe conduct to the swiftly reacted by hurling firebrands and burning torches at the Persian lines, then had his troops sack and bum Perisabora and leading boats. Julian interpreted the fires as a Persian signal for its citadel. The serena was not amused. He impaled every an all-out attack, and he ordered the bulk of his river squadron to land in support of his offensive. member of Mamersides' family he could lay his hands on. Julian continued his trek down the Euphrates to a point below Morning found the two armies formed up opposite one anFallujah, where he diverted his riverboats onto one of the larger other for the first pitched battle of the campaign. The Persian canals. Previous Roman emperors, including Trajan and Septi- forces were augmented by elephants, which were hastily mius Severus, had used them in their invasions of Mesopotamia. brought forward. On the Roman side, Julian was riding everyJulian knew that by following the right one he would end up at where to encourage his troops, reinforce weak points and keep Ctesiphon. His soldiers, eating off the land and burning what the momentum going. Historian Marcellinus, who was there, they did not consume, now marched alongside the canals over wrote that the armies fought all day in the relentless heat.

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JUNE 2005 MILITAHY HISTORV 55

Persian forces, led by Shapur himself, to rejoin Julian in the south. Back in Ctesiphon, the Persians made overtures for peace, but Julian dismissed them out of hand. Persian deserters or refugees came into the Roman camp and began to "advise" the westemers. It is not surprising that they spread misinformation. Julian was in a quandary. He did not have sufficient forces to take Ctesiphon, and no reinforcements seemed to be forthcoming. He did not know the whereabouts of Shapur and what he considered to be the bulk of the Persian forces. All the country over which he had marched had been laid waste and eould not sustain his army if he withdrew. If he stayed before Ctesiphon, however, he risked being trapped there by the combined Persian armies in the excruciating heat of mid-June with dwindling provisions. Fully one-third of Julians forces were tied up in manning the supply boats he brought with him. If they could be freed up, he might have the reinforcements he needed to storm Ctesiphon. In a rash move, perhaps encouraged by the Persian deserters, someone ordered the ships bumed. Almost immediately the legionaries understood the disastrous implications. Their siege engines had gone up in smoke, as had their all-important bridge-building equipment and their precious provisions. Deciding to make the best of a bad situation, Julian ordered his army, now augmented with outof-work sailors, to march north along the east bank of the Tigris. His troops had not yet foraged along that route, so they could still live off the adjacent Icind During a Sassanid assault on his retiring column near Samarra on June 26, as they sought new conquests closer to home. 363, Julian, who had njshed into battle without his body armor, was mortally Now it was the Persians' tum to lay waste to the counwounded by a spear. tryside. They bumed crops in the path of the advancing Romans and herded the livestock away. So thick was the fire and smoke that the legionaries camped near Toward evening the Pereians at last broke and ran for the safety the site of modem Baghdad to wait for the flames to subside. of the walls of Ctesiphon. The Romans, following in hot purMeanwhile Shapur, after compelling the northern Roman force suit, might have breached the gates had a commander not or- to withdraw, had rushed his army southward to join up with dered a halt, fearing that the advanced units might be cut off. the Serena. Their combined numbers were augmented when Once again Julians unconventional tactics had resulted in an Julian's strongest cavalry contingent, the Arab horsemen, sensed unexpected victory. Marcellinus put the body count at 2,500 Per- the tide was turning and bolted to join the Persians. sians dead, with the loss of only 70 Romans. The Romans continued their long, hot and dusty matth along the banks of the Tigris. Their marching column, including w^on ULIAN'S ULTIMATE TARGET, Ctesiphon, had previously train and prisoners, extended for four miles. Without their prebeen taken three times by Roman armies, under Trajan, cious boats, they could not cross the Tigris, still swollen with Marcus Aurelius and Septimius Severus. Those successes, winter runoff. Their food ran low as they passed the scorched fowever, had been against the Parthians, who neither knew nor fields they had hoped would sustain them. The Persians, strikcared to learn about building fortifications. The Sassanian Per- ing the Romans in flank and rear, forced them into battles that sians, on the other hand, were good students of Roman archi- sapped their strength and spirit. The Sassanian army could not tecture, and Ctesiphon was now well protected. To take it would stand up to its Roman foes face to face, but wore them down require a long siege during the brutally humid Mesopotamian with raids and long-distance volleys of arrows. summer. As the Romans, now fully conscious of their peril, reached the The army of invasion had now become an army of occupa- area of Samarra on June 26, 363, the Persians hit them simultion, and Julian considered his options. He expected his diver- taneously in the rear, center and front. When Julian learned of sionary force in the north to Join him soon, but unknown to the first attack on the column's rear, he rushed to join his troops him, the Armenians, balking at the prospect of invading Asuri- there without taking the time to don his body armor. No sooner stan, had deserted the Roman banner. The remaining Roman had he neared the scene offightingthan he leamed of the attack force was stranded in Medea and could not break through the Continued on page 78 56 M a n A K Y HISTORY JUNE 2005

d

nsw Ever since Joshua fit the Battle of Jericho, music has served as both a psychological weapon and a way to communicate in battle. BY WILLIAM R.TROnER

The spirit-stirring drum, the ear-piercing fife, The royal banner, and all quality. Pride, pomp, and circumstance of glorious war! William Shakespeare, Othello

Yankee Doodle 1776, by

A.M. Willard, typifies music's wartime role throughout the ages-both as a means of battlefield communication and as a way to generate patriotism and bravery (Library of Congress; Background: Rare Book, Manuscript & Special Collections Library, Duke University].

58 MILITARV HISTORY JUNE 2005

C '^k j^vk\c has been an integral part of warfare and the soldiers life since ^ ^ - y l /M the dawn of history. Even the instalments on which it is played have _ / Y m . themselves acquired great symbolic power—a regiments drums are V — / / \J second only to its colors as an emblem of honor and tradition. In the I8th cenlury, the act of enlisting was described as "following the drum." Even today, those ancient symbols continue to be evoked by titles such as Dave R. Palmers Summons of the Trumpet, a study of strategy- in the Vietnam War. The function of music in war has always been twofold: as a means of communication and as a psychological weapon. Among the oldest references to the latter role appears in Chapter 6 of the Old Testament's book of Joshua, with an exceptionally detailed description of the deployment of ram's horns against Jericho, the oldest fortified human settlement known to archaeology. Although ram's horns do indeed make a poweiful "blast of sound" (to use the phrase favored by King James I's translators), they can hardly bc assumed to have been sufficient in and of themselves to level Jericho's 7-meter-high walls of thick, undressed stone. Still, the biblical account of his campaign makes it clear that Joshua was a most subtle general who compensated for the numerical and technological inferiority of his men (at least some of Jericho's Canaanite ganison had i? on weapons, whereas the Israelites' were entirely of bronze) by means of intelligence gathering, hit-and-run tactics and psychological warfare. Baning a highly coincidental earthquake, the story's description of Jericho's walls collapsing was most likely allegorical. Even if the exact nature of Joshuas strategy re-

MCMXVII by LEO. FEIST, I o<^.

^rfew YoA

mains conjectural, however, it seems clear that his elaborate scenarios, staged in view of the defenders and climaxing with his priests blowing their horns in unison, fired up his warriors and weakened the Canaanites' will to resist. Both the Greek and Roman armies used brass and percussion instruments—including the ancestors of the modem comet and tuba—to convey information on the march, in the field and in camp. Greek armies on campaign employed musicians to accompany poetic recitations of odes and paeans designed to remind soldier and citizen alike of the valor of past heroes. After the collapse of Rome in the West, its tradition of martial music was preserved and refined by the Eastern empire in Byzantium. There was no shortage of such practices among Rome's Celtic enemies, who for centuries charged— and later marched—into battle accompanied by their own array of horns, drums and bagpipes. So integral were bagpipes to the Scottish martial repertoire that Britain outlawed the instruments £ifter the

defeat of Prince Charles Edward Stuart's Scottish army in 1746—only to lift the ban for the benefit of its own Scottish regiments soon thereafter. During the first half of the Middle Ages, music was found in the courts and churches of Europe but not on the battlefield. The Crusades changed that, as they did so much else. Impressed by the Saracens' use of military bands as both a means of instantly transmitting orders to distant formations and as a weapon "of fear and affray," as Bartholomaeus Anglicus expressed it in the 13th century, the Christian knights soon emulated them. Among the Saracen instruments adapted were the anafil, a straight, valveless trumpet; the tabor, a small drum, sometimes snared; and the naker, a small, round kettledrum, usually deployed in pairs. The earliest mention of their use in combat appeared in Itinerarum Regis Anglorum Richardi I, a history of the Third Crusade published in 1648. In one battle fought in Syria in 1191, it describes trumpet calls being used to signal the stcirt and recall of a Christian cavalry charge. When veteran Crusaders returned to Europe, they brought instruments and ideas with them. As they were absorbed into various feudal or mercenary armies, the use of martial music spread rapidly. Such music also acquired new modifications, as different soldiers adapted it to their local tastes and practical needs. To the trumpets and drums were added shawms (early double-reed wind instruments) and bagpipes. Bands accompanied armies on campaign, played aboard ships or added their pomp to tournaments, festivals and other court functions. In his 1521 treatise Ubro della arte della guerra {The Art ofWar), Niccolo Machiavelli wrote that the commanding officer should issue orders by means of the trumpet because its piercing tone and great volume enabled it to be heard above the pandemonium of combat. Cavalry trumpets, Machiavelli suggested, ought to have a distinctly different timbre, so that their calls would not be mistaken for those pertaining to the infantry. Drums and flutes, he averred, were most useful as an adjunct to discipline on the march and during infantry maneuvers on the battlefield itself. One of his contemporaries commented at that time, "Such a custom is still observed in our time, so that one of two fighting forces does not assault the enemy unless urged by the sound of trumpets and kettledrums."

A 15th-century illustration of Joshua's host marching around Jericho, by Jean Fouquet The Bible's claim that his tmmpets caused Jericho's walls to fall may have referred to a coincident earthquake-or simply have been a metaphor for their psychological impact 60 MILITARY HISTORY JUNE 2005

By the end of the 17th century, warfare had become a stylized and highly formal business, as fierce charges gave way to the application of pressure by movement and massed firepower. Soldiers of the

1700s were required to function almost as automatons, to obey, smoothly and in formation, whatever commands were given by their superiors. With clouds of gunsmoke added to the din of combat, oral commands or personal example were not always reliable means of giving direction to an army. An order that was not heard—or worse, not understood— could be as dangerous as the enemy. Musically transmitted signals, however, could be heard above the crash of gunfire. The voice of the trumpet and the cadence of the drums were clear and unambiguous, making them vital to command and control. Over lime, the various national armies of Europe standardized their musically conveyed orders into a set of calls. Manuals from as early as the mid-16th centui>- list such calls as "Marche," "Allanim," "Approache," "Assaulte," "Retreate" and "Skirmish." Being able to identify those signals and translate them into specific actions was as basic a training skill as loading a musket. Every nation eventually adopted its own signature march—the precursor of the modern national anthem—and its troops were required to memorize it as well. Amid the smoke of battle, a column of troops on the move half a mile away might be friendly or hostile, but even if their battle standard was obscured, they might be identified by their march music. Resourceful commanders had a way of sneakily turning those conventions to their advantage. In one incident during the Thirty Years' War, a German force deceived its opponents by maneuvering to 'The Scots Marche." During the Battle of Oudenarde in 1708, a key fight in the War of the Spanish Succession, Allied (Anglo-Dutch-Austrian) drummers played "The French Retreate" so convincingly that part of the French army did, in fact, withdraw from the field. When the first American soldiers manual—compiled by Maj. Gen. Wilhelm von Steuben—was issued to the Continental Army in 1778, it contained a list of beats and signals modeled on those used in European armies. More quickly than in Europe, however, the bugle replaced the fife and drum ensemble in the American ranks. In 1867 bugle calls for the U.S. armed forces, mostly patterned after French models, were codified and standardized into a form that largely survives today. Although the electronic age has largely relegated bugle calls to ceremonial functions, they can still be resurrected if power or circuits fail. Communist Vietnamese forces used bugle calls in two 20th-century Indochina wars. The Chinese, who lacked modem radio communications, also used bugles during the 1950-53 Korean War. American soldiers and Marines were quite unnei"ved by the haunting sound of the Chinese bugle calls, stylistically alien to their ears, echoing among the dark hills around them. Their function was, in fact, the same as it had been in the 16th century, but the psychological effect revived that of the ram's horn millennia earlier.

While burgeoning technology eclipsed the need for music to accompany movement on the battlefield by the mid-20th century, it remained an effective means by which states could manipulate the morale, energies and attitudes of armies and indeed entire populations. Perhaps it is difficult for 21 st-century media cynics to look back on the quaint ditties that were popular in World War I and comprehend just how powerful a song such as "Over There" could be as a motivator of patriotism. Nevertheless, the classic songs of that period crystallized and gave form to an enormous amount of inchoate popular emotion. It was during World War II, however, when both radio and cinema had become mature, ubiquitous technologies, that it became possible for governments to impress the art of music wholly into their service. Marches were still effective in all their customary roles, and the popular song again became the vehicle for knee-jerk sentiments. Most historians of popular culture agree that World War II's pop songs were curiously inferior to those of World War I—few (HI/ CR£AT WORLD WIDE / D M HIT HOW H4/ BOTH FRENCH AHD E M U / H tYRIC

Over There

George M. Cohan's simple tune "Over There" played an effective role in transforming Americans from isoiationists to enthusiastic participants in World War I.

outlived their brief moment, and most have become dated to the point of embarrassment—but World War II was also the first time that classical music was mobilized as a weapon of war. The Allies co-opted a prize from the Axis by adopting as their trademark the opening notes of Ludwig van Beethoven's Symphony No. 5—three Gs and an E-flat, corresponding to three dots and one dash in Morse code—to signify "V for Victory." That musical JUNE 2005 MILITARV HISTORY 61

signature served as a recurring leitmotif in Allied films, concerts and countless other forms of propaganda. How it must have galled Josef Goebbels not to have thought of it first! Every combatant nation had musicians willing to contribute what they could to the war effort. In the United States, everyone from Frank Sinatra to Leopold Stokowski gave War Bonds concerts and made recordings exclusively for the armed forces. Jazz leader Glenn Miller lost his life en route to play for troops overseas, and cometist Jimmy McPartland landed on D-Day with the U.S. infantry. Nothing generated greater support for the Soviet Union than the dramatic story surrounding the creation and export-under-fire of Dmitri Shostakovich's Symphony No. 7, subtitled "Leningrad." A frail man with a weak heart, the composer was told that his greatest service to the Motherland would be to continue practicing his art, rather than serving in the Red Army In July 1941, however, with the Wehrmacht advancing on Leningrad, he began composing his seventh symphony between shifts as an air

raid fireman and while under heavy aerial bombardment. In October the Kremlin ordered him flown out of the city to the wartime capital of Kuybyshev on the Volga River There, he completed his symphony and dedicated it to Leningrad, which b\ then was undergoing the most frightful and protracted siege of modem times. Worldwide interest in the new work ran high. The orchestral score was microlilmed and flown to the West in a dramatic odyssey that included top-secret stops at Tehran and Cairo. Arturo Toscanini and Leopold Stokowski nearly came to blows as they \'ied for the right to conduct its North American premiere. Toscanini ultimately outmaneuvered his rival, although he later dismissed the work as trash. American audiences received it ecstatically, however Its opening movement, featuring a hypnotic 13-minute crescendo depicting the relentless Nazi advance, is a gripping musical impression of mechanized warfare, and its concluding movement is a thrilling paean to victory. In terms of generating political, emotional and financial support for the Soviet cause, that one piece of music was worth three or four Murmansk convoys.

From July to October 1941, Soviet composer Dmitri Shostakovich worked on his Symphony No. 7 between shifts as an air raid fireman in Leningrad. 62 MILnARY HISTORV JUNE 2005

Even though the German propaganda ministry was scooped on Beethoven's Fifth, there was plenty of music left to work with. The Third Reich had inherited a treasure trove of musical culture, produced by an unbroken line of musical geniuses ranging from Johann Sebastian Bach, Wolfgang Amadeus Mozart, Beethoven, Franz Schubert, Robert Schumann, Johannes Brahms and Richard Wagner to Anton Bruckner. Wagners operas in particular were for Goebbels and his vast bureaucracy metaphors and symbols that could be used to lend prestige to the Nazi regime, and resonance to the blathering of its ideologues. Adolf Hitler was equated with the Wagnerian hero Siegfried. It was even rumored in the 1930s that Winifried Wagner, the composer's daughter-in-law, was destined to become Hitler's wife. There were, of course, some untidy details in the picture of German music under the Nazis. Felix Mendelssohn's music vanished overnight—in spite of his Catholic conversion, he remained a Jew in Nazi eyes—as did the music of Paul Hindemith (officially and inaccurately labeled a "decadent modernist"), who became a U.S. citizen. Germany's other greatest living composer, Richard Strauss—by 1940 a crotchety, cynical old man—accommodated himself easily to the new regime. Pianist Walter Gieseking promoted German Kidtur by means of tours in neutral countries. Other ambi-

tious young men, such as conductor Herbert von Karajan, took advantage of the Reich's cultural peculiarities lo advance their careers in a manner they have since defended as apolitical, but which many historians have regarded as simply coldblooded. The musical world has always had its own politics and frequently Byzantine backstage intrigues, but the greatest aitists—whatever their medium—prefer to inhabit an inner, spiritual world that does not mix comfortabK with ideological and political priorities. Thrown sudctenly into a totalitarian society, such artists can be corrupted by their own naivete—as was the Dutch conductor Willem Mengelberg, whose political instincts were those of an adolescent child, but who was exiled from his country in 1945 for "collaboration." Or, left defenseless by their idealism, they can be crushed by the apparatus of the state. In the case of German conductor Wilhelm Ftirtwangler, probably the most profound interpreter of the Austro-German repertoire the world has ever known, that struggle reached tragic dimensions. Ftirtwangler's career was almost ruined, and his death in 1954 undoubtedly hastened, by worldwide accusations that he was a Nazi or at least a servant of the Reich. Overwhelming evidence has surfaced since the war, however, to cause him to be viewed more sympathetically. The product of a sheltered, highly cultured upbringing, for years he was simply unable to take the Nazis seriously. When he finally realized the extent of their evil, he fought them from within, taking upon himself the burden of trying to be the conscience of German civilization. As early as 1933, Furtwangler lodged a public protest to Goebbels about the mistreatment of Jewish artists. Unwilling, due to Furtwanglers international fame, to move against him openly, Goebbels responded that "those of us who are creating modem German politics consider ourselves artists...art can be not only good or bad, but racially conditioned...." As Goebbels' Propaganda Ministry assumed control over the press, theaters, cinemas and concert halls, the works of more than 100 "impure" composers vanished. The ranks of most orchestras were purged of their Jewish musicians, and such great musical artists as Bruno Walter, Otto Klemperer, Artur Schnabel and Lotte Lehmann went into exile. Furtwangler agonized over whether to follow his colleagues—had he done so, he could have had his pick of orchestras in the United States or unoccupied Europe. But he was unable to believe that his beloved homeland was unshakably in the grip of what he viewed as street-brawlers and psychopaths. Surely, he rationalized, if he could keep before the German people the ideal example of Beethoven's music, then sanity would return to the nation. He therefore chose to stay and mount a one-man spiritual resistance. "I felt that a really great work of music was a stronger and more essential contradiction to the spirit of Auschwitz than words could ever

be," he wrote after the war. It proved to be a noble but naive attitude, and it was totally misunderstood by many outsiders. Just before war broke out, Furtwangler visited composer Arnold Schonbei^, whose music had been banned. Tom between fleeing or remaining in Germany, the tormented conductor cried, "What must I do?" Calmly, sadly, Schonberg replied, "You must stay and conduct great music." Furtwangler did more than that. He publicly fought the Nazis on such issues as banning Hindemith's music and the 1939 order to dissolve the Vienna Philharmonic, which was rescinded due to his passionate intervention. He used his influence and intemational contacts to save the lives of many Jevkish musicians, and obstinately refused to honor Nazi protocol demanding that every conductor begin his concerts with the raised-arm salute—an insult that raised audience applause and made Hitler seethe with rage. In regard to conducting in occupied countries. Furtwangler wrote Goebbels. "I do not wish to follow tanks into countries in which I have formerly been an invited guest." Although Fiirtwangler's prestige protected him to some degree, the Gestapo was prepared to arrest his entire family if he showed any sign of fleeing the country. The defiant conductor must have known that, even as he knew that his telephones were tapped and his mail tampered with. In the final weeks of the war, Reichsfuhrer Heinrich Himmler, who hated him far more than Goebbels did, determined to take the conductor down with the regime. Furtwangler escaped to Switzerland just hours

Franz Liszt's spiritually motivated Les Preludes became a standard theme for the Nazis-and, curiously, for the American film serial Flash Gordon. JUNE 2005 MILITARY HISTORY 63

ahead of the Gestapo order for his arrest. By 1945, the use of music to fuel German morale reached a saturation level. For some reason, Les Prehides by Hungarian composer Franz Liszt— whose romantic works had, after all, influenced his son-in-law, Richaixl Wagner—was always used to accompany film footage of dive bombers. Les Preludes was also used as a signatui'e theme for the Sondermeldnng, or "special announcements," that periodically interrupted normal radio programming to announce victories, after the reading of which a snappy contemporary march would be played. "We're Marching Against England" was played ad nauseam in 1940-41, then quietly replaced by antiBolshe\'ik themes when the Wehnnacht moved east instead of across the Channel. There was a carefully n u i t m ^ atmosphere of ceremony sunounding those

Adolf Hitler gets an opening fanfare during a Nazi rally in the ig30s. By 1945, morale-boosting music in Germany had reached saturation level.

broadcasts; Goebbels considered it vitally important that this image be preserved, even after the tide of war had obviously turned against the Reich. When a weekly magazine had the audacity to print a photograph of the recording used to herald the Sondermeldiing announcements, Goebbels threatened the editors with a long vacation in a concentration camp. In spite of Goebbels' calculated efforts, the Brownshirt marches that set feet a-tapping in 1934 had started to grate on peoples nerves by 1944. Germans made bitter jokes about them. The light music programs that were piped throughout the Reich as a kind of Muzak had to drop "Dancing Together Into 64 MILrrARY HISTORV JUNE 2005

Heaven" from their play lists when Allied bombing i-aids lent them a measure of ghoulish irony Mozart's Requiem was banned as too depressing. Opei^as such as Beethoven's Fidelia and Giacchino Rossini's William Tell, with their themes of liberty triumphing over tyranny, were eventually suppressed. Jazz and swing music, naturally, were verboten. Wounded heroes back from the Russian Front were not only rewarded with Iron Crosses but with passes to the Wagner Festival at Bayreuth—possibly not the ideal way to spend one's furlough, especially if the featured opera chanced to be the 17-hour-long Der Ring des Nibelungen. Orchestras gave concerts in the Krupp munitions plants, although how much spiritual sustenance the undernourished, exhausted tank assemblers might have derived from those events is open to question. Round-the-clock radio broadcasts constantly featured the works of great Aryan composers. In order to bixjadcast the lengthy symphonies of Anton Bruckner without interruption, German technicians made the first significant use of magnetic tape as a recording medium. Allied intelligence personnel, monitoring those broadcasts in the wee hours of the moming and unaw are of the new tape technology, assumed that Goebbels kept ordering the entire Berlin Philharmonic out of bed at 3 a.m. to play "live" concerts. In his novel War and Peace, Leo Tolstoy observed that the effectiveness of an army is "the product of the mass multiplied by something else; by an unknown'X' the spirit of the army." Throughout history, music has had the effect of raising that "unknown 'X'" by a considerable power. What was true of the Saracens during the Crusades remained true during later conflicts. In 1861, at the outset of the American Civil War, a young South Carolina private wrote after an especially rousing concert: "I have never heard or seen such a time before. The noise of the men was deafening. I felt at the time that I could whip a whole brigade of the enemy myself!" What works for a regiment can be made to work on a national level, to a greater or lesser degree, depending on the skill and persuasiveness of the manipulation. Even the horrors of modem warfare have proved easier to bear when their struggles are identified with and ennobled by great music. In 1942, on a nameless killing ground on the Russian Front, a diary was found in the pocket of a dead German soldier who had just returned from leave in Berlin. One of the last entries concerned a concert he had attended. "Last night I heard a performance of Bruckner's Ninth," the young man had written, "and now I know what we are fighting for!" MH Greensboro, N.C.-based historian and novelist William R. Trotter is the author of The Civil War in North Carolina trilogy and A Frozen Hell, on the 1939-40 Russo-Finnish War. For further reading, he recommends: The Rise and Development of Military Music, hy Henry G. Fanner; and The Baton and the Jackboot, by Berta Geissmar.

REVIEWS George Washington prevailed in spite of his many problems during the Revolutionary War. By Mike Oppenheim

WHEN THE CONTINENTAL Congress met

to choose a commander for the Continental Army in 1775, George Washington was the only candidate to appear in uniform and everyone remembered his heroics in the French and Indian War. Having appointed him unanimously, Congress proceeded to make his life miserable. Ironically, that makes its choice even more brilliant, because it's unlikely that another general could have overcome so many obstacles while leading the Thirteen Colonies to victory. Three recent books examine the problems Washington encountered. He solved few of those problems, but kept going in spite of them. The best of the three is John Buchanans The Road to Valley Forge: How Washington Built the Anny That Won the Revolution (Wiley Publishing, Inc., Indianapolis, Ind., 2004, $30), a lively, opinionated account of the general's first 18 months in command. Taking over in July 1775, Maj. Gen. Washington directed the siege of Boston, which ended in a humiliating British withdrawal in March 1776. However, Buchanan's description of what happened when he marched south in the summer of 1776 to oppose Lt. Gen. William Howe, newly arrived in New York wilh 10,000 professional soldiers, makes for painful reading. December 1776 saw Washington's tattered army retreating across New Jersey, pursued with diminishing vigor by Howe. That winter (not the next one at Valley Forge) marked the nadir of Washington's reputation. Aides wrote critical letters behind his back, and rival generals suggested that they themselves could do better Although neither of Washington's cause-saving tum-of-the-year victories at Trenton or Princeton were major battles, he showed genuine talent in both. In July 1777, Howe finally moved—not to annihilate Washington, or meet Lt. Gen. John 66 MILITARY HISTORY JUNE 2005

Burgoyne's forces marching down from A PROPER SENSE OF Canada (sensible goals), but to capture Philadelphia. It all amounted to nothing, as Burgoyne was halted and forced to surrender at Saratoga that fall. 77?e Road to Valley Forge combines vivid nuts-and-bolts details of Washington's leadership and battles with enlightening explanations of 18th-century military technology. The schoolboy image of doughty frontiersmen picking off Redcoats from behind trees was not wrong, but defeating the British required a trained army that would stand and fight. Washington eventually acquired one. SERVICE AND SACRIFICE IN GEORGE WASHINGTON'S ARMY Leaving Valley Forge, Washington fought the inconclusive Battle of Monmouth in June 1778. He engaged in no more major battles until Yorktown three years later, but he wasn't idle: He was preserving the American Revolution. BuCAROLINE COX chanan reminds us that a revolutionary army doesn't have to win great victories, but it must stay in existence until its op- researched chapters study how Washingponent loses heart. Washington under- ton's soldiers were trained, punished, docslood that. Even more amazing, he de- tored, buried and {most depressing) how ferred to civilian leaders, ensuring that prisoners were treated. the United States became a nation whose In the book's best chapter. Cox asks: military stayed out of politics. Who became soldiers? Fourth of July oraWashington's deference becomes posi- tors extol the American Revolution as a tively saintly as the author describes the people's war in which yeoman farmers fools with whom he dealt. There was the and craftsmen sprang to arms. That turns ineffectual Congress, generous with advice out to be wrong. The author uncovers a but little else. There were 13 Colonial gov- spurt of enlistments by those of middling ernments, willing to help but unanimously rank during 1775-76, as well as the usual opposed to raising taxes. In the end, taxes influx of young men looking for advensupplied much of Washington's army, but ture. Mostly, recruits were identical to they were collected from Frenchmen and those of European armies—in the Duke Dutchmen. of Wellington's words, "the scum of the The Road to Valley Forge provides an earth." In America, that meant recent imentertaining picture of how Washington migrants, urban poor, landless farmers acquired his skills. In A Proper Sense of and free blacks. Paying bounties and Honor: Service and Sacrifice in George hiring substitutes, which outraged the Washington's Army (University of North United States after 1861, were routine Carolina Press, Chapel Hill, N.C., 2004, during the Revolution. $37.50), historian Caroline Cox examCox's chapter on punishment shows ines the men he led. Six formidably Washington engaged in a furious and

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The Ohio and Malta: The Legendary Tanker That Refused to Die, by Michael Pearson, Pen and Sword Books Ltd., Bamsley, South Yorkshire, U.K., 2004, $34.95. Many of the events of World War II, such as the Battle of Britain, Pearl Harbor, the pursuit of the German battleship Bismarck, the Battle of the Bulge and Iwo Jima, have been done to death by the media. Convereely, some of that conflicts most dramatic incidents have been almost completely overlooked. One of the latter provides the subject of Michael Pearsons engrossing new book, The Ohio and Malta. Few individual ships have been as vitally important as SS Ohio was in August 1942—the only tanker in a convoy bound for the Mediterranean island of Malta. The Royal Navy was determined to get Ohio through, and Axis forces were equally determined to sink it. Situated between Sicily and Libya, Malta was perfectly positioned to serve as a British base from which to interdict the flow of Axis supplies to North Africa. For three years, beginning in June 1940, the island was subjected to constant aerial bombardment. Keeping its defenders supplied proved extremely difficult. In April 1942, only two out of a convoy of 17 merchant vessels dispatched to Malta arrived safely. The island's airfields may have been unsinkable, but the aircraft on them were in danger of running out of

fuel. Malta's military commander predicted that unless the island could be replenished, he would be forced to surrender by September. The ultimate resupply attempt, Operation Pedestal, took place in August 1942, and the Italians and Germans threw everything they had against it. Attacked by enemy submarines, aircraft and surface vessels, only four of the 14 cargo ships involved reached Malta under their own power. A fifth vessel, Ohio, was towed into port two days later. In spite of the ship's ha\'ing been torpedoed, set afire and repeatedly bombed, neither Ohio's crew nor its Royal Havy escorts gave up on it. The tanker's arrival, barely afloat, provided not only critically neededftielto the besieged island but an equally vital morale boost as well. Michael Pearson's new book vividly recounts the battle fought around the Pedestal convoy, arguably one of the most critical sea engagements of the entire war. Further, it dramatically relates the incredible struggle of a determined group of seamen to save the stricken Ohio against impossible odds. Highly recommended to those interested in the histoiy of World War 11 at sea. The Ohio and Malta demonstrates that great ships are not made of polished brass, colorful flags and 16-inch guns, but of the spirit of the crews who man them. Robert Guttman

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World War II seems to have found a popular medium in the first-person shooter game format. Acti\ision's Call of Duty: United Offensive ($30, requires a Pentium III 800, 128MB RAM, 8X CDROM drive, 32MB 3D video card, installed copy of Call of Duty, www.callof dut\'.com) is a second tour with the original Call of Duty game. The expansion pack's missions mirror the toui^s taken by the player in the original game, again taking challenges with the American, British and Russian forces. U.S. Army veterans John Hillen and Hank Kiersey, consultants on the game, actually make brief guest appearances during the American scenario, which takes place in the Baitle of the Bulge. The player gets to crew a bomber and participate in special operations missions with the British in the game's middle segment. Grueling infantiy and tank battles await the game's player at Kursk in United Offensive's conclusion. Continued on page 79

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I N T R I G U E Spying and deception turned the U.S. invasion of Tampico into the battle that wasn't. By J.W. Overton Jr.

EVEN WITH THE ADVENT OF late 20th-

century espionage tools like spy planes and satellites, human intelligence remains an invaluable asset. Women, perhaps because they have traditionally been noncombatants and warranted little suspicion in wartime, have often served as informants, saboteurs, assassins, double agents and even sp\Tnasters. The exploits of biblical heroine Judith, Belle Boyd during the American Civil War and Mata Hari during World War I have found their way into popular legend. Less

flamboyant but no less valuable during the Mexican-American War was Anna (or Ann) McClarmonde Chase, whose accurate reports to the United States forces and inaccurate reports to the Mexicans paved the way for the bloodless conquest of the port of Tampico. Ever since the United States declared war on Mexico in May 1846, fighting had been confined mostly to the border. President James K. Polks administration, anxious to move the war farther south and into Mexico's interior some months later, decided to launch a naval expedition against Tampico, the principal city in the state of Tamauiipas. Second in importance only to Veracruz as a Mexican Gulf port, Tampico lies 210 miles north of that city and five miles up the Panuco River, situated on a low ridge with the Panuco to its front and Carpintero Lagoon to its rear. Capturing it, the Americans thought, would be a major step toward taking all of Tamauiipas and lead to the interior city of San Luis Potosi, where Mexican General Antonio Lopez de Santa Annas main army was holed up. Tampico's military garri-

son, under Commandante

After her American liLisbaiid was forced to leave Tampico on June 7 1846, British citizen Anna Chase stayed behind to manage their business-and to spy on the Mexicans. 72 MILITARV fflSTOKY JUNE 2005

Anastasio Parrodi, consisted of 1,200 army soldiers, 200 of whom were ill in September 1846, and 200 were untrained national guards. Although the town boasted numerous cannons, the 150 regular army artillerymen available were inadequate to man all the city's gun positions. Also inside the city was Franklin Chase, a merchant

and American consul in Tampico. As his host country was at war with his home country. Chase was obliged to leave Mexico, and he took refuge on a U.S. Navy blockade ship on June 7; but his wife, Anna, bom in Ireland and still a subject of neutral Britain, was under no such obligation. Although she described her husbands departure as "a sad moment as I have parted with everything my heart holds dear," Anna stayed behind to run the family business—and leam all she could about Tampico's defenses. On September 22, President Polk ordered Commodore David Connor, commanding the U.S. Home Squadron on blockade duty in the Gulf of Mexico, to attack Tampico. Santa Anna, probably through captured dispatches, had also learned of the American plans. He notified Parrodi, who replied on October 5 that unless he was resuppHed, he would be unable to feed his garrison for more than 11 days. Moreover, Parrodi s spies had estimated the American invasion force at between 3,000 and 5,000 troops. These exaggerated figures had been leaked to them by Anna Chase. Seeing no alternative to the ultimate loss of Tampico, Santa Anna ordered Parrodi to withdraw his soldiers and whatever fieldpieces they could take from the city, and to rendezvous with the army at San Luis Potosi. The garrison's heavy artillery, remaining stores and three gunboats would be moved up the Panuco. The evacuation was delayed by protests to Santa Anna fiom the governor of Tamauiipas, the citizens of Tampico and some of Pan'odi s own troops. Santa Anna reiterated his order, citing the lack of men and materiel to defend the city against the overwhelming numbers of Americans Mrs. Chase had said were preparing to attack. Meanwhile, Anna Chase's activities were making the Mexican authorities suspicious. Accused of spying and passing

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messages to the Americans through neutral British sailors (both of which chai'ges were true) and threatened with confiscation of her business. Chase vigoroush protested her rights as a British citizen. The threats subsided, and though still under close watch by the Mexicans, Chase managed to send out one more message through a British seaman to Commodore Connor, infonning him ol Tampico's upcoming evacuation. PARRODI'S EVACUATION BEGAN on Oc

tober 22. Rather than properly load and move his stores as Santa Anna had instructed, Parrodi hastily dumped much of it into the river and, witb the help of tbe British consul at Tampico, sold his gunboats. The last of Parrodi's troops had withdrawn by October 28, but Connor did not receive Chase's report until early November. After a lieutenant from the blockade ship USS Porpoise also reported that the city's garrison was gone, Connor ordered bis squadron to prepare for action. Tbe warship St. Mary's was to relieve Porpoise offshore fiom Tampico, so tbe latter could proceed to Lobos Island, 65 miles southeast of the port, and lay moorings for use as a rendezvous point for the expedition. Tbe new steamer Spitfire arrived south of Lobos on November 10. Two days later that ship, along with Princeton, Vixen, Reefer, Bonita, Petrel and Mississippi, loaded with the small boats and 100 men from Cumberland, embarked with ordere to meet at an area 15 miles offshore h^om Tampico. The frigates Potomac and Raritan were to patrol between Lobos and the Mexican mainland. Early on November 14, Mississippi spotted LS;. Mary's. Connor's flagship arrived just before daylight, as he planned, and found tbose ships, along with the British blockade inspector HMS Daring, anchored at tbe moutb of the Panuco. Water depth at tberiver'smouth was only 8 feet, and Connor still worried that Tampico's citizens might offer resistance. The weather was favorable, however, and he decided to pixxreed. Two divisions of small boats and a total of 300 men were formed, one to be commanded by Connor and tbe othei' by Commodore Matthew C. Perry. Connor boarded Spitfire at 10:45 a.m., and at 11 one of its guns fired to signal the beginning of the attack. The divisions rowed across the bar and entered the Panuco at 11:30. Tbe fort at tbe river's mouth was abandoned, and at 12:35 the landing party peered through tbe heavy

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tropical vegetation that covered the Panuco's banks to see an American flag flying over Tampico. Anna Chase, having seen the ships offehore that morning, had chmbed out to her rooftop flagpole and raised the Stars and Stripes. Just after 1 p.m., a small boat flying the white flag carried Tampicos city council over to Spitfire. There, Juan Jose de Sayer, Apolinar Marques and Francisco Cervantes negotiated surrender terms with American commanders Josiah Tattnall and Duncan Ingraham. As talks dragged on, the negotiators went ashore. Finally, an exasperated Connor, whose troops had already occupied the city, declared the capitulation talks were irrelevant and finished. He did, however, promise the Mexicans that unless attacked, his troops would allow Tampicos inhabitants to go about their lives unmolested. Three Mexican gunboats were seized and pressed into U.S. Navy service: Union, Pueblano frenamed Tampico) and Isabel (renamed Falcon). The merchant schooners Mahonese and Ormigo were also confiscated. Dispatched to retrieve further prizes left behind in the Mexican retreat, Tattnall, commanding Petrel and Spitfire, returned with a naval gun and 40 bales of "excellent imported tent pins." Meanwhile, Perry sailed Mississippi off to Point Isabel, Texas, and New Orleans to request more men and equipment to garrison Tampico. On November 22, the stesuner Neptune arrived with 420 men of the 2nd Artillery, followed eight days later by Mississippi with an engineer officer, 50 n oops and a Louisiana field battery.

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TAM PICO'S EASY CAPTURE did not yield

an equally easy route into the Mexican interior, but it did ptDvide Connor with more new gunboats in a few days than he could have procured from the War Department in several months. In early spring 1847, the port became an important staging point for Maj. Gen. Zachary Taylor's troops as they marched south to meet with Maj. Gen. Winfield Scott's forces and take Veracruz. That port proved to be more beneficial than Tampico, but taking it would be much bloodier. In his ancient treatise The Art of War, the Chinese general and military theorist Sun Tzu wrote that "All warfare is based on deception" and "To subdue the enemy without fighting is the acme of skill." While David Connor and Anna Chase may not have read Sun Tzu, at Tampico they put his axioms into practice with textbook perfection. NM

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78 MILITARY HISTORY JUNE 2005

JACKSON

JULIAN

Continued from page 32

Continued from page 56

while Steuart pushed on all night, Jackson and Ewell soon returned to the main force. The 6th Virginia Cavalry quickly encountered the two companies from the 5th New York Cavalry serving as Kenly's rear guard. Major Voughts hoi-se soldiers kept the Confederates at bay until they reached Cedarville, three miles north of Front Royal. During the confrontation there, the 6th Cavalry's charge yielded Federal casualties and broke the Federal will. Among those captured was Colonel Kenly. Jackson, who declared that he had never witnessed such a magnificent chaise of cavalry, was justly elated. When he established headquarters in Cedarville on the evening of May 23, the general had ample cause to reflect on the courage and tenacity of his Confederate soldiers. They had won the army two artillery pieces, vast supplies and hundreds of Federal prisoners—and they had placed themselves well in the rear of Banks' position at Strasburg. Considered in isolation, the Battle of Front Royal consisted of a brisk, extended skirmish that yielded prisoners and spoils for Jackson's army. Such a limited viewpoint misses the broader consequences of the day's Sghting, however. Something in the war had changed.

on the front of the long column. Just as he wheeled his horse around to meet the new challenge, the Persians attacked the center of the Roman column as well. In the confusion of battle, the emperor's guards became separated and Julian found himself in the thick of the fighting. A spear thrown at close range pierced his side and mangled his liver. He fell from his horse and was cairied to shelter. Learning that the emperor had been wounded, Julian's troops fell upon the Persians with undisciplined tury, cutting down all they could catch. Even though a wall of elephants and showers of arrows reinforced the scattered and fleeing Persians, more of them fell than Romans on that day of remorseless heat and slaughter After dark, both sides pulled back, exhausted by the bmtal fighting, but the Romans' success that day did not matter That night Julian died, and along with him died any offensive spirit that the legions might still have had. His senior commander met in conclave to choose a new emperor from their own ranks. There were two factions among Julian's generals. The western and largely Germanic commanders were pagan, while those from the eastern legions were Although the black powder ignited by devoutly Christian. The compromise the combatants at Front Royal would not choice was Flavius Jovianus, a staff offihave sustained the Battle of Chancel- cer and the son of a popular general. The lorsville for 10 minutes, the musketry that new Emperor Jo\ian lacked his prederouted Kenly and opened Jackson's way cessor's martial spirit, however, and after to Winchester echoed down the valley. marching the army to the north as far as Kemstown had bought time; lurking in Dura (today's Ad-Dawr, between Samarra Swift Run Gap had bought more time and Tikrit), he made considerable conand set the stage; McDowell had spun the cessions to Shapur so that his army campaign onto a new axis and provided might cross the river unhindered back reinforcements to the valley army. But it into its own territory. By the humiliating was Front Royal that signaled an explo- peace, Rome was forced to cede all the sion into the headlines and put Jackson's Mesopotamian territory that it had ruled name on every American tongue. The 18 for 200 years, and the common border days of military endeavor launched at was moved back to the Euphrates River. Front Royai would seethe with moveJulian's grand expedition had come to ment and fighting and drama—and would nothing. The conflict between Rome and eventually yield triumph for Stonewall Persia went on for another 300 years until Jackson. MH the Arabs, inspired by a new faith espoused by the prophet Myhammad, finally Melissa Delcour is a former National Park took matters into their own hands and Service historian at Fredericksburg and changed the dynamics in Iraq forever. MH Spotsylvania Naiional Military Park. For further reading, she recommends: History For further reading Glenn Bamett, a freof the Campaign of Gen. T.J. (Stonewall) quent contributor to Militaiy History, recJackson in the Shenandoah Valley of Vir- ommends his own forthcoming book. The ginia, by William Allan. Persian War

REVIEWS

LETTERS

Continued from page 71

Continued from page 8

this topic, try the January 1998 issue of Scientific American magazine. 6. Perspective drawing: Konrad Keyser often presented his technical drawings in perspective in Bellifortis. Later, Leonardo did produce more-refined technical drawings in perspective. Readers can find more on this in Gille's Engineers of the Renaissance. 7. Pliny the Elder (Caius Plinius Secundus) did not write a military treatise that addressed the catapult and ballista. He did mention them in his Natural History, Book 7, chapter LVI, "The First Inventors of Diverse Things," stating that the Cretans invented the crossbow, the Syrians invented the catapult and the Phoenicians invented the ballista, none of which appears to be true. Besides Vitruvius (whom the author mentions). Heron, Biton and Philon wrote the most important technical works on this subject. For more on this topic, try Greek and Roman Artillery: For readers who don't own a PC or for Technical Treatises, by E.W. Marsden. those who prefer to keep their games on None of this is intended to take away the television console, Call of Duty: Finest from Leonardo's genius, only to put it in Hour ($50, requires a Microsoft Xbox, context and to ensure that other militan Sony Playstation 2 or Nintendo Game- engineers get the credit (or blame, deCube, www.callofduty.com) is the debut pending on one's point of view) for the of the Call of Duty series on game sys- advances that occurred in militaiy engitems. The console counterpart to the PC neering during the Renaissance. software features entirely new material, Bill Schneck though it retains the basic format of diLake Ridge, Va. viding time between the American, British and Russian sides. The American ANOTHER UNSUNG COMMANDER missions in this game include action in- The photo of French General Henri spired by the 761 st "Black Panther" Tank Gouraud on P. 10 of the March/April issue Battalion of Lt. Gen. George S. Patton's {in the "Personality" department) also Third Army, the British missions model shows another obscure personality of the commando work of Popski's Private World War I. Standing on the far right Army in Africa, and the Russian missions side in the front row of the dais is Lt. Gen, have the player work as a Russian sniper Hunter Liggett, an outstanding comat Stalingrad. Finest Hour lacks some of mander who led the U.S. First Army and the advantages of its PC ancestor and for took charge of the Argonne offensive after that reason it is a bit clumsier to play due General John J. Pershing suffered a nerto poorer interface, graphics and artificial vous breakdown in October 1918. Fort intelligence. Nevertheless, that does not Hunter Liggett, a U.S. Army Reserve trainprevent it from being one of the finer ing site in California, is named for him. WWII titles available for the current genRobert Slorby eration of home console systems, Minot, N.D. though prospective buyers should take note of the game's ESRB rating of T for Send letters to Military History Editor, Priteen, due to violence and some blood. media History Group, 741 Miller Drive, Bernard Dy Suite D-2, Leesburg, VA 20175, ore-mail to [email protected]. Please Lj For additional reviews, go to include your name, address and daytime telephone number. Letters may be edited. www. historybookworld.com.

The game's effort to ct^ate a tapestry of different WWII experiences is often at odds with its simultaneous attempt to deliver greater realism than the average first-person shooter offering, but the result is still a solid add-on to the original game. The variety of roles reinforees the principal theme of the Call of Duty series: No one fought alone. While this theme was originally reflected by placing the player in squads with several other soldiers, United Offensive extends the sentiment across the globe. Where Call of Duty helped players see the war from the foot soldier's eyes, United Offensive reminds them that sailors, pilots, tankers, anti-aircraft gunners and many more shared the burden. Strong artwork and sound effects help bring these experiences to life. Some of the missions are unreasonably difficult exercises, but generally the expansion does a respectable job of carrying on the work of the original game.

Magazine presents

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WEAPONRY Continued from page 24 chamber. The left side of the frame consisted of a separate side plate, held in place by a single screw that could be quickly removed, permitting access to the lock work for cleaning and repairs. The most famous Nagant handgun was undoubtedly the firm's 7.62mm gas-seal revolver, dubbed the M1895. In 1892 Leon Nagant patented a revolver in which the cylinder moved forward over the breech end of the ban'e! to effect a gas seal. Much of the design seems to have been copied from the expired patent of another Belgian gunsmith, Nicholas Pieper. The seal eliminated the bothersome sideways blast of powder gases upon firing, as well as the accompanying loss of bullet velocity from the barrel/cylinder gap. The gas-seal revolver was based upon the standard Nagant solid fi^me, rod ejector model. Upon cocking the hammer, the hand revolved the cylinder. But then, assisted by a recoil plate also moved forward by the lock work, cams pushed the cylinder fonvard so the beveled chamber mouth fitted over the end of the barrel, forming a gas seal. To further effect the gas seal, the system used a novel type of cartridge whose bullet was seated deep, leaving a section of case foiAvard of it. This case fitted into the forcing cone of the barrel and, upon firing, expanded to fonn a second gas seal. While the system worked as claimed, its usefulness is debatable. Tests have shown that it produced an increase in bullet velocity of only about 70 feet per second. Considering the Nagant's small caliber, this did little to improve firing accuracy. Because of the forward-moving cylinder, the Ml895 had a long firing pin mounted on the face of the hammer—another of its distinguishing features. Unlike other double-action revolvers, in which pulling the trigger merely rotates the cylinder and cocks and releases the hammer, the Nagant gas-seal system required the trigger pull to perform the additional tasks of pushing the cylinder forward and then holding it in place, against spring pressure, until the cartridge was fired. The result was a horrendously heavy double-action trigger pull that no amount of hand fitting or continuous use could improve to any perceptible degree. As the Russians had recently adopted the M1891 Mosin-Nagant rifle, which in-

corporated Nagant's magazine, the brothers had a natural opening to introduce tbeir revolver to the Russian Imperial Army, which, after a short series of trials, adopted it in 1895 as the Revolver Sislemy Nagana obr. !895g. The M1895 Nagant revolver was a light, handy weapon compared to the Smith &. Wesson it replaced. Only 9i^ inches long with a 4)^-inch round barrel, it weighed a svelte 1 pound 11 ounces. Sights consisted of a blade front, adjustable for windage, and a V-notch on the upper rear of the frame. The left-hand side of the frame was the standard Nagant removable sideplate. Double- and single-action Nagants were issued, to officers and enlisted personnel respectively. In keeping with the new European trend of small-caliber service revolvers, it was chambered for a 7.62mm (.30-caliber) cartridge. The 7.62x38R Nagant cartridge used a 108-grain flat-nosed jacketed bullet with a velocity of 1,000 feet per second, generating approximately 190 foot-pounds of energy—hardly a "man-stopper" when compared to American and British .45and .455-caliber revolver cartridges. Early photos would seem to indicate that the 7.62x38R cartridge was originally loaded with black powder, but shortly after the Russians adopted it, ammunition loaded with the new smokeless powders became standard issue. THE NAGANT FACTORY in Liege supplied

thefirstM1895s,butin 1899 the Russian government bought all rights to the revolver, and local manufacture began at the imperial arsenal at Tula. The M1895 proved popular with Russian officers and was first used in combat during the Russian contingent's operations to quell the 1900 Boxer Rebellion in China. In 1904 it saw more extensive service, alongside older Smith & Wesson revolvers, in the Russo-Japanese War. During World War I, the Russian Revolution and the ensuing civil war, the Nagant was the most common handgun used by the Russian army, and later by the confusing multiplicity of factions vying for power in the revolutions bloody wake. The Soviet Union continued to manufacture the Nagant after the revolution, though it soon became obvious that it was long overdue for replacement with a more modem weapon. The only notable variation of the Ml895 was a version manufactured in the 1920s for the Soviet secret police, the NKVD intelligence agency, and its military cousin, the GRU.

It featured a shorter barrel and smaller grip, making it more suitable for plainclothes officers to conceal. In fhe early 1930s, the Red Army adopted the Tokarev TT30 and later the TT33 semiautomatic pistols, but the Soviet Unions continuing industrial torpor, the vast size of the Red Army and the demands of World War II all contributed to the Nagants remaining in production until 1944. Early in the Tokarev pistol's service, its users discovered that its reciprocating slide made it unsuitable to fire through tbe observation slits of Soviet tanks; consequently, armored vehicle erews continued to use the M1895. Because its double-action trigger proved safer for use by cavalry troopers, the old Nagant revolver also saw widespread service with the Red Army's numerous mounted units. Sometime before World War I, Greece purchased a quantity of Belgian-made M1895s for its army. This was to be the Nagant Company's last notable sale on the international arms market. In 1930 the firm decided to get out of the firearms business altogether, and sold all the machinery for manufacturing Ml895 revolvers to the Polish government. The Poles had been using Nagants made in

Russia since 1918, among other handguns, and needed replacements for their worn-out sidearms. The machinery was installed at the Radom arsenal, whieh produced approximately 75.000 revolvers before manufacture ended in 1936. During World War II, the German army captured large numbers of Nagant revolversfinomthe Soviets, Poles and Greeks. The weapon-hungry Wehrmacht issued the nonstandard Nagants to rear echelon, security and second-line units—as they did with most serviceable weapons they captured—while many were retained for use by the non-German "volunteer" units fighting on the Eastern Front. Eventually, enough were in service that they were given an official Fremden Gerat (foreign gun) designation—revolver 612(r), (p) or (g), depending on their origin. The Finns captured vast quantities of Soviet weaponry during the 1939-40 Winter War and subsequent Continuation War In spite of the Finns' dislike for revolvers in general, many Ml895s were reissued to second-line units. While the Soviet army was completely reequipped witb Tokarev and, later, Makarov pistols in the postwar years, Nagant revolvers continued to be issued

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as police weapons well into the 1960s. Limited numbers were also supplied to the Soviets' new Communist allies and "national liberation groups" around the world. Nortb Korean and Chinese forces used limited numbers of tbe Ml895 in the Korean conflict, apparently the iast large-scale military use of the weapon. Despite its small caliber and smokelesspowder cartridge, the sad reality was that the M1895 Nagant revolver was bopelessly obsolete the day Russia adopted it. However, the Russian army's attitude towEird smEill arms—in wbich the sword was considered the proper weapon for officers and mounted troops, wbile the infantry rifle was valued more as a means of carrying a bayonet into battle than for its accuracy or rate of fire—assured that it would remain in service. Tbe Soviets' rise to power did little to change those preconceptions. In World War II, the new submachine gun quickly relegated the handgun to limited usefulness. The Red Army gave the sidearm the role of a badge of rank or authority, or a weapon for intimidating recalcitrant troops or prisoners of war—a duty the Nagant could capably fulfill no matter how antiquated it was. MH

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The stirring music known as 'Dixie' was neither written down South nor even during the Civil War. By C. Brian Kelly

WAY DOWN IN THE LAND of cotton (Look

away, look away, look away, Dixie Land) they did not come up with the rousing, stiU-beloved song known as "Dixie." Nor was it first heard and sung during the Civil War, much less in the South itself. And yet, even today, what other song is more closely associated with the Confederacy, its fighting spirit, or its mingled romance of magnolia blossoms and the cause that was lost? Few could have imagined any such possibility on that Saturday night in New York City—in 1859, mind you—^when the impresario of Bryants Minstrels approached the troupes songwriter, Daniel D. Emmett, to say they needed a lively new "walk-around" for the following Monday might. He picked the Ohio-bom Emmett as he usually composed all the troupes showclosing walk-arounds. Emmett at first struggled at finding something fresh and lively, but then, according to cin apparendy knowledgeable acquaintance, "at last hit upon the first two bars." Any composer of music can tell you, added Dr. G.A. Kane of Baltimore in a letter to the Richmond Dispatch in 1893, "how good a start that is in the mcinufacture of a tune." Even better, by Sunday afternoon Emmett had his lyrics, beginning with the words, "Oh, I wish I was in Dixie." Those words were not the lament of a Southerner pining for his own Southland, however, but rather a common expression among circus or theater people engaged in their annual Northern circuit and beginning to yearn by fall for their much warmer winter quarters in the South. By that time, wrote Kane, the common expression would be, "Well, I wish I was down in Dixie." By his account also: "This gave the catch line; the rest of the song was origi-

nal. On Monday morning the song was rehearsed and highly commended, and at night a crowded house caught up the refrain cind half the audience went home whisding'Dixie.'" And the rest, as they say, is history... except for one or two footnotes worth reporting here as well. Among them, Dan Emmett's boss paid him $5 for the song, cind a few other minstrel shows also paid up to $5 each for the privilege of using

[of New Orleans] had the time arranged for a quickstep....The saloons, the parlors, the streets rang with the 'Dixie' air, and 'Dixie' became to the South what the 'Marseillaise' is to France." The highly respected Cambridge History of English and American Literature fully agrees that "Dixie" was composed in 1859 by Dan Emmett "on forty-eight hours notice" as a "rollicking measure" that "scored a natural success with every audience." Indeed, the air really did make "an especially sensational" hit—at New Orleans late in 1860 and early 1861, "and soon all the Confederate states rang with it." So popular was the ditty that others claimed its authorship or wrote their own lyrics for the tune. P*robably the best-known alternate version came from Albert Pike, New England bom but a Confederate brigadier general and leader of an Indian brigade at the Batde of Pea Ridge (Elkhom Tavem) in 1862. Emmett's lively new tune. But then, watch out! It hit New Or- The University of Texas' Handbook of leans. And what a bounce from there. A Texas Online opines that Pike's "Dixie" New Orleans impresario paid Emmett a offers "a lusty vigor that makes it perhaps princely $600 to use the song, but printed the best of the many versions of the "thousands of copies without giving Dan famous Southern anthem." As noted by the Cambridge History, however. Pike's a [further] nickel." "sdning lyric" is "now a literary memory." Even less remembered today, and an THEN, IN THE SPRING OF 1861, with "Pocahontas" playing at the Big Easy's utter failure, was Fanny J. Crosby's atVfirieties Theatre, the orchestra leader tempt to recapture the "Dixie" tune for was looking for a good song to accom- the North with a set of pro-Union lyrics. As for original composer Dan Emmett, pany a Zouave march in the last scene. "Trying several, he finally hit upon he of course never recovered the full com'Dixie.'" It still wasn't all that well known, pensation he deserved for use of his song. but it did seem to strike just the right Even worse, he "got into trouble" with his fellow Northemers, noted the Richmond note. Did it ever! "Night came, the Zouaves Dispatch's letter-writer Kane, because his marched on, led by Miss Susan Denin, "Dixie" was such a hit Down South. "It singing 'I wish I was in Dixie.' The audi- was considered a rebel song, and a sapient ence became wild with delight and seven Maine editor declared Dan to be a 'Secesh' encores were demanded. Soon after, the (or secessionist), and that he should be war broke out. The Washington Artillery treated EIS one," noted Kane. MH

'Night came, the Zouaves marched on, led by Miss Susan Denin, singing "I wish I was in Dixie." The audience became wild with delight and seven encores were demanded.'

82 MILTKRY HISTORY JUNE 2005