Military History 2005-08

MILMRYHISm

E D I T O R I A L

Onlineextras When evaluating Egypt's military August 2005 You'll find much moFe about military history on the Weh's leading history resource:

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WWW. TheHistoryNet.com Discussion: Would Aleksei Brusilovs successful 1916 offensive have changed the course of World War I— or even Russian or world history—had he commanded it in 1914 or 1915?

Goto www. TheHistoryNet.com/mhJ for these great exclusives: Turning Point at Saratoga—The British strategy in July 1777 was to seize Albany, the Hudson River and the entire rebel colony of New York. By the end of August, that plan was unraveling, Polish Artilleryman on the Eastern Front—In 1939 Polish tailor Bernhard Storch was fleeing the German invaders, only to be taken by the Russians and sent to a labor camp in Siberia. In 1945 he was a sergeant in charge of a gun battery, fighting in the streets of Berlin, The Death ofMaj. Gen. William Nelson—On September 29,1862, Union Brig. Gen. Jefferson C, Davis shot unarmed Maj. Gen, William "Bull" Nelson—^yet he was not even brought to trial for what amounted to an act of murder, Spanish Fleet Sacrificed at Santiago Harfeor—Although its arrival in Cuba had embarrassed the blockading U.S. Navy, Rear Adm, Pascual Cervera y Topete knew his cruiser squadron s ultimate fate could only be destruction.

6 MILITAKV HISTORY AUGUST 2005

tradition, one must ask: Which Egypt? MUCH OF AN ARMY'S FUTURE is built

on its past, since officers in training leam of traditions built up in the course of their nadon's military history. That inevitably includes failures as well as successes, which is not necessarily a bad thing—one can leam as much from a defeat as from a victory. For that matter, how a defeat is dealt with can say much about the national character, as the United States' often traumatic, still-ongoing analysis of the Vietnam War, its first major failure after nearly two centuries of victories, attests. Some countries, having had centuries' more experience in dealing with—-and recovering from—defeat, might regard the Americans as rather spoiled on the matter. Italy, often derided in the 20th century for its defeat at Ethiopian hands in 1896 and its generally less-than-stellar performance in two world wars, can reach back farther in time for better moments, from the glory days of ancient Rome to the late medievcil heyday of the highly professional (in more ways than one) condottieri, through the triumphant restoration of the Italian nation by its most internationally renowned hero of the 19th century, Giuseppe Garibaldi (story, P. 64). Even older—but just as inconsistent— are the fortunes of the Egyptian army. What constitutes Egyptian military tradition depends on how one defines Egypt itself, for that nation has undergone profound ethnic, linguistic, cultural and religious changes since the pharaohs first held sway over the Nile River valley. Those millennia have seen brilliant victories, such as Thutmose m's at Megiddo in 1468 BC; embarrassing fiascos like the rout of the Egyptian army at Mitla Pass in 1967; and fascinating battles that fall somewhere in between, such as Ramses ll's near-disaster and remarkable recovery at Kadesh in 1296 BC (recounted in Military History back in August 1995). Two features in this issue show two of the Egyptian army's many faces. In the 13th century, Egypt was a powerful Islamic sultanate, its prestige largely the

legacy of its premier warrior-statesman of the previous century, Salah-ad-Din Yusuf ibn-Ayyub, aka Saladin—a man whose background was not Egyptian at all, but Kurdish. In 1218, during the Fifth Crusade, that regime faced a new wave of European invaders who aimed to fight their way to Jerusalem through Egypt. The Christians' efforts ultimately hinged on the Nile Delta port of Damietta, which they ultimately took in 1219 after a long siege that so wore them down they ultimately had to accept terms—albeit very generous ones—from Saladin's nephew. Sultan al-Kamil Muhammad al-Malik (story, P 46). Losing battles but ultimately winning the war was nothing new to the Egyptians. Their last great pharaoh, Necho II, had used a similar strategy to foil Babylonian King Nebuchadnezzar II (Military History, June 2005), and so, for that matter, had Saladin against King Richard I of England (Military History, August 2001). History can work both ways, however, and in 1948 it was the Royal Egyptian Army of King Farouk that would suffer unexpected losses in men and time besieging a stubbornly defended fortified Israeli collective farm called ICibbutz Yad Mordechai, without which it might have driven all the way to Tel Aviv (story, P. 30). Egypt had undergone many more changes between 1219 and 1948. So had its army, affected by modernization and a succession of different leaders, from alKamil to Hosni Mubarak. Any wonder, then, that its performance varied, from the hard-fought siege of Kibbutz Yad Mordechai in 1948 to the general debacle of 1967, followed by the Suez crossing and ferocious tank batdes of 1973 (such as Chinese Farm, recounted in the October 1998 issue), in which the Egyptian soldiers won back their honor? Still, by the time it made its contribution to victory over Saddam Hussein's Iraq in 1991, Egypt's army had shown its ability, learned over the millennia, to take things in stride. J.G.

LETTERS

NEW 82ND AIRBORNE GENERATION

I just picked up the June 2005 issue of Military History Magazine and was elated to read the interview with Frank Thompson of the 505th Parachute Infantry Regiment, 82nd Airborne Division. Sorry to learn of Mr. Thompson's recent death, and that another "All-American" of the Greatest Generation has gone to the big drop zone in the sky. I am currently the platoon sergeant of the same 81 mm mortar platoon that Mr. Thompson was in more than 60 years ago. Thanks for the article and for a great magazine! All the way—H-Minus! Sergeant 1st Class Christopher G. Lewis Headquarters and Headquarters Company, l/505th PIR Fort Bragg, N.C. FURTWANGLER'S WAGNERIAN FINALE

service—my brother was in World War II, and I served as a squad leader in the early days of the Vietnam War. I commend Mr. Marcone on having recorded and shared those memories of his father. One small correction, however: On P. 22, the author says "[Pasquale] Marcone received the Purple Heart and went home as a U.S. citizen...." While he doubtless received recognition for his wound, at that time it would have been a small wound chevron sewed on his uniform sleeve. The Purple Heart was created in 1782, but had lapsed in intervening years. It was reinstated in 1932 and awarded retroactively if one could show proof it was deserved. In my dad's case, I used his discharge papers, which recorded that he had been wounded, to obtain a Purple Heart for him during the 1970s. He was quite proud of it. Darrel Hoff Calmar, Iowa

Wilhelm Furtwangler, mentioned in "The Music of War" in the June 2005 issue, was the conductor of the Berlin Philharmonic MORE ON SEKIGAHARA Orchestra in 1945. As the Red Army ap- The first sentence of John F. Murphy Jr.'s proached Berlin, Furtwangler desired to article on the Battle of Sekigahara in the save the members of his orchestra from May 2005 Military History contains two the Soviets but knew that it would be in errors. First, Hideyoshi Toyotomi was equal danger from the Nazis if they got never a shogun. Only those who were dewind of it. Devising a plan, he informed scended from the Genji (the Minamoto his orchestra that when he called upon clan) qualified to become shoguns. Toyit to play Richard Wagner's overture to otomi was bom a commoner and had to Gdtterddmmerung during a concert, that setde for the title kampaku (regent), and would be his wordless "conductor's cue" later taiko (retired or senior regent). that the time had come to flee for their Second, Murphy laudably followed the lives. He figured correctly that the Nazis' Japanese practice of placing the surname passion for Wagner would prevent them first followed by the personal name, from perceiving his little joke about except in the case of Toyotomi Hideyoshi. "The Twilight of the Gods" until it was On P. 45, Murphy surmised that Tokutoo late for them to do anything about it. gawa Hidetada incurred his father's disJames A. NoUet pleasure for cowardice by abandoning Billerica, Mass. the siege of Ueda-jo. Actually, Tokugawa leyasu was angered by Hidetada's attacking Ueda-jo in the first place, depriving PERSPECTIVES AND PURPLE HEARTS I must tell you how much I appreciate him of 38,000 troops that were vitally your fine publication. I read with par- needed for the Sekigahara battle. Had ticular interest Rock Marcone's June 2005 Hidetada arrived on time, Ieyasu's East"Perspectives" account about his father's em Army would have had numerical suinvolvement with the 78th Division at the periority: 110,00 troops to Ishida's 80,000. Murphy's statement that Himeji-jo's desame time and in the same area as my father, who was seriously wounded on fense network "frustrated would-be conOctober 18,1918, while with the 77th Di- querors" implies that it was besieged—it vision in the Meuse-Argonne campaign. wasn't. On the same page. Murphy used Our family has a long history of military the term "Jade Pavilion" as a euphemism 8 MILITARY HISTORY AUGUST 2005

for the afterlife. Having been brought up in the (Japanese) Soto Zen and Shingon Buddhist traditions, I cannot recall ever hearing that term. "Nirvana" or "the Pure Land" would have been more appropriate for a Japanese context. On P. 46, Murphy correctly notes that a koku is a measure of rice, but failed to elaborate that it was considered the amount of rice that could sustain a man for a year, and was therefore a fairly accurate gauge of how large an army a daimyo could field. Finally, in addition to BCikkawa Hiroie being "of the Mori clan," as the author wrote, so were Kobayakawa Takakage and Kikkawa Motoharu, both sons of Mori Motonari. It should be kept in mind that until "modem" times Japanese gentry often changed their surnames. For example, Sekigahara's victor, Tokugawa leyasu, was bom Matsudaira. Wesley Tetsuji Kan Panama City, Fla. MARINE ON THE HOOK

I think your May 2005 story "Holding the Hook" contained a few errors. First, there was no Lt. Col. Mike Delaney in the 7th Marines when we fought for that hill in October 1952. The author was probably referring to our 1st Battalion commander, Lt Col. Leo Dulacki. I'm sure of this because I have a picture of him pinning on my Purple Heart. Second, I doubt that Lt. Col. David Rose made any remarks about the condition of our defensive positions. The Black Watch sat just across the valley and watched Charlie Company take 28,000 rounds of incoming (a record at that time) during the battle. Trenches we had worked to improve for two weeks prior to October 26,1952, were reduced from 5 and 6 feet to 18 inches deep in a matter of hours. Ed Dietz C Company, 1st Battalion, 7th Marines Traverse City, Mich. Send letters to Military History Editor, Primedia History Group, 741 Miller Drive, Suite D-2, Leesburg, VA 20175, or e-mail to [email protected]. Please include your name, address and daytime telephone number. Letters may be edited.

WEAPONRY The battleship Oregon steamed halfway around the world to take part in the Spanish-American War. By Flavius M. Foster

IT WAS A TYPICAL DARK AND HUMID

tropical night in Havana, in the restive Spanish colony of Cuba, as U.S. Navy Captain Charles D. Sigsbee sat in his cabin, writing a letter to his wife on February 15, 1898. Suddenly, a terrible explosion tore asunder Sigsbees vessel, the second-class battleship Maine. Of the ship's 353 man crew, 266 died. More than 4,000 miles away, the battleship Oregon was in the process of leaving dry dock at Bremerton, Washington, when the shock wave of that blast reached the West Coast—the United States was considering declaring war on Spain. Authorized on June 30, 1890, Oregon {BB-3) and its sister ships Indiana (BB-1) and Massachusetts (BB-2) were the first true seagoing battleships in the U.S. Navy. Oregon's keel was laid in the Union Iron Works Shipyard in San Francisco on November 19, 1891. Two years later to the day, the ship was completed, and it was commissioned on July 15, 1896. With a

length of 348 feet and its beam an inch or two over 69 feet, Oregon displaced 16,288 tons fully loaded. Its bunkers carried 1,595 tons of coal, and though its speed could reach 16.8 knots, slowing to 10 knots maximized its cruising range to 5,500 nautical miles. Oregon's main armament consisted of four 13-inch/35 guns in I7-inch-thick armored turrets; eight 8-inch/35 broadside guns in 6-inch-thick armored turrets; and four 6-inch/30 broadside casemate guns. It was also equipped with 20 6-pounder rapid-fire guns and six tubes for what were then new Whitehead torpedoes. The warship's sides were protected by 18 inches of steel armor. Fearing that Spain would send its best fleet to the Caribbean Sea as soon as war broke out. Secretary of the Navy John D. Long ordered Oregon to join the fleet off Florida. That order caught the ship flatfooted—low on coal, with emptied magazines. Moreover, the Klondike eold rush

was going full blast, with many ships steaming out of Puget Sound and using coal by the trainload. That situation delayed Oregon's departure until March 3, when the vessel got enough fuel for the three-day voyage from Bremerton to San Francisco. While the crew worked around the clock filling the coal bunkers and taking on ammunition, Oregon's captain, Alexander H. McCormick, fell sick and was replaced by Captain Charles E. Clark—who, with the chief engineer, Robert W. Milligan, had been on the engineering assessment board during the ship's trial runs. Their knowledge of Oregon's good and bad points would be of considerable value during the voyage. SHORTLY AFTER DAYUGHT on March 19,

Oregon cleared the Golden Gate and Captain Clark called for 12 knots. The first leg of the voyage would be a 4,112 nautical mile run to Callao, Peru. To conserve the supply of fresh water for the boilers, Milligan suggested to Clark that the crew not be provided with cool fresh water, but rather "feed water" from the boilers. That meant drinking warm, flat water in the tropical heat, with a small amount of cool water and ice reserved for the hardpressed "black gang" working in the engine and boiler rooms, where the temperature aver0 aged between 100 and 145 de1 grees. 2 Another concern was fuel. ff Most of Oregon's supply was biI tuminous or "soft" coal, whose i sulfur, ash and fusible material '^, formed huge clinkers in the fireo box under the boiler. Oregon 5 also had hard Welsh anthracite 8 coal, but Milligan thought il should be reserved for combat. A 1907 lithograph shows the battleship Oregon rounding Cape Hom in April 1898, arguably a greater While the ship was off the accomplishment for its crew than anything it achieved at the Battle of Santiago Harbor. 10 HILITAKy HISTORY AUGUST 2005

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coast of Mexico, smoke began coming out of a coal bunker. Burning coal, left unchecked, could heat an ammunition magazine to the point of exploding. Working furiously in lO-minute shifts, Oregon's engine crew spent four hours digging through the coal to locate the fire and put it out. The monotony of work, sleep and more work was broken soon after crossing the equator, when Neptune, king of the seven seas, held court and promoted all "PoUywogs" to "Shellbacks." Copies of the proceedings were duly recorded in the files of Davy Jones' locker while the ship's band played "Hail to the Chief." The run to Callao took 16 days. With its low freeboard, Oregon proved to be a wet ship and was also slightly toi>heavy, causing it to roll excessively in heavy seas. While his ship was loaded from baizes in midharbor. to avoid possible sabotage by Spanish sympathizers, Captain Clark received a cable message hx>m Washington, D.C, stating that the Spanish torpedo boat Temerario had left Montevideo, Uruguay. Oregon resumed its race with time down the west coast of South America, arriving off the entrance to the notoriously stormy Strait of Magellan in the face of hurricane-force winds. Immense waves swept over the bow and the 13-inchgun turrets, rolling the vessel from side to side like a huge cork. Rather than try the narrow, dangerous straits under those conditions, Clark decided to take Oregon into an anchorage off a small island. That proved a fearful undertaking in itself, but finally the ship was anchored fore and aft in more than 300 feet of water. With full daylight and calmer weather, Oregon got underway through the strait, aided by a Chilean pilot, to Punta Arenas, Chile, where the battleship laid over four days for supplies and maintenance, during which time it was joined by the gunboat USS Marietta. The two ships left that port on April 21. Nine days later, Oregon entered Rio de Janeiro, Brazil, where cablegrams from Washington awaited Clarit, notifying him that the United States and Spain were at war and Temerario was still unaccounted for. The two American ships were joined there by USS Nictheroy. Oregon was anchored in midharbor, out of the travel lanes, where supplies and coal were brought to it on baizes. The American guards in the loading area were doubled after a small boat carrying Span-

ish sympathizers and explosives was caught nearby. The crew went wild when news arrived of Commodore George Dewey's victory at Manila Bay, in the Philippines, on May 1. Clarit, whose sonin-law was with Dewey's flotilla, was especially relieved to leam thai the Americans had suffered no deaths in the lopsided battle. A second cable warned Clark of a Spanish fleet consisting of four armored cruisers and three torpedo boats that had left Cape Verde and was headed west. A succession of conflicting messages and orders made Clark suspicious of a leak to the American newspapers, and he sent a message of his own: "Don't hamper me with instructions. With this ship's speed and armament, I am not afraid of the whole Spanish fleet." Oregon departed Rio on May 4, led by a Brazilian cruiser to see that no fighting took place inside Brazil's continental limits. Annoyed by the 7-knot speed of his two consorts, Clark ordered Marietta and Nictheroy to proceed on their own. He then called for a cruising speed of 12 knots and ordered Oregon prepared for combat. OREGON STEAMED INTO Bahia, Brazil, on May 8. To throw off any Spanish spies, Clark announced that the ship would be there for a week or 10 days. Shortly after its anchor touched bottom, Oregon's deck crew was lowered over the ship's sides on platforms, and within hours the oncegleaming white ship was repainted a wartime gray. Leaving the fresh paint to dry overnight, Oregon pulled out of the harbor the next morning. On May 16, Oregon anchored at Bridgetown, Barbados, for 24 hours and was provided with only enough coal to get to an American port. Disregarding Barbados' censorship regulations, the American consul slipped a message through to Washington announcing the battleship's arrival. That opened the way for the Spanish consul to send a like message to his government about Oregon's presence. To perplex any Spanish sympathizers, during the night Oregon steamed out of Bridgetown Harbor with all lights on. At three miles out, however, the lights were doused and Oregon changed course for Florida, pulling into Jupiter Inlet on May 24. Oregon joined Rear Adm. William T Sampson's blockading fleet off Santiago, Cuba, during the early morning hours of June 1, with Indiana on its right and New York, Admiral Sampson's flagship, on its left. Also pre-

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sent were Iowa, Texas, Brooklyn, Vixen and Gloucester, the latter a yacht converted into a gunboat. Behind the narrow passageway into Santiago Bay lay the Spanish Cape Veixle Squadron of Rear Adm. Pascual Cervera y Topete, consisting of his flagship, the cruiser Infanta Maria Teresa; cruisers Almirante Oquendo, Vizcaya and Cristobal Colon; and torpedo boats Ten-or. Furor and Pluton. On June 22, American troops under the command of Maj. Gen. William R. Shafter landed at Daiquiri and Stboney, a few miles east of Santiago Bay. Then a dispute between the Anny and the Nav\' developed over strategy. During the early morning hours of Sunday, July 3, Sampson steamed off to Siboney with New York for a conference with Shafter. Oregon's crew was enjoying "holiday routine" when an unusual amount of coal smoke was observed over Santiago Bay. Then signal Hags ran up Brooklyn's mast, announcing, "Enemy ships coming out." Oregon's well-drilled 13-inch-gun crew got off the first shot and was soon joined by the battleships Texas, Indiana and Iowa. Brooklyn joined with its 8- and 5-inch batteries, and soon a rain of shells was pouring down upon the fleeing Spanish. Maria Teresa quickly burst into flames and ran ashore. Oregon. Indiana and Brooklyn then concentrated their fire on Oquendo, which also ended up on the beach engulfed in flames. As Vizcaya, next in line, drew ahead oUowa, gunfire from Oregon, Texas and Brooklyn reached it. The next moment a large shell exploded in Vizcaya's interior, killing 80 men. The American battleships then took after Cristobal Colon, which was fleeing westward at top speed along the beach. Only Oregon and Brooklyn were able to keep within firing range. After a two-hour chase at almost 16 knots, Oregon closed within four miles of Colon and loosed a salvo that splashed water near the Spanish vessel. While Oregon was reloading, an 8-inch shell from Brooklyn pierced Colon just above its armor belt. Oregon's next salvo hit under Colon's stem, and it made a run for the beach, where it rolled over and sank. It had taken Oregon 69 days to sail the 14,556 nautical miles from Wa.shington state to Florida with no breakdowns. That achievement convinced the world that American technology and workers could produce fine fighting ships. In fact, the ship's crew had prevailed in spite of some inherent defects in Oregon. The

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ship rolled excessively and tended to heel over while firing broadside shots, due to the unbalanced weight of the 38-foot length of the gun lubes. The latter flaw reduced the elevation and range of the guns and also lowered the armored belt on that side, leaving more of the ship unprotected. The shot that struck Colon's rudder at four miles had been fired over Oregon's bow. The broadside gunnery problem was later eliminated by putting countenA'eights on the reai^ of the gun turrets, while added bilge keels reduced Oregon's roll,

Following a refit in the Brooklyn navy yard, Oregon made another voyage around the Hom of South America to Manila Bay, where it joined Admiral George Dewey's Asiatic Squadron and remained during the Philippine uprising. From early February to mid-June 1900, Oregon was stationed at Hong Kong. During the Chinese Boxer Rebellion, Oregon was sent to the fortified port of Taku, but while steaming through the Strait of Pechili on June 28, it ran aground on an uncharted rock. Finally freed on July 5, the battleship was dry-docked in Kure, Japan, then returned to Chinese waters until May 5, 1901, when the ship was ordered back to the United States. Entering the Puget Sound Naval Ship Yard on July 6, Oregon remained there until March 1903, when it did another tour with the Asiatic Fleet. In February 1906, Oregon returned to Puget Sound and was decommissioned. It was recommissioned on August 29, 1911, however, and would be withdrawn from and returned to active dut\' several times thereafter. During World War 1, the vessel's gunfire control system was updated. Oregon escorted troop transports of the Siberian Expedition to Vladivostok, Russia, befoi^ being decommissioned for the last time on October 4, 1919. When the Washington Naval Treaty went into effect in January 1924, all of Oregon's guns and torpedo tubes were removed, and it was loaned to Portland, Ore., as an object of historic and sentimental interest. On November 2, 1942, however, when iron was badly needed, Oregon was sold for scrap. After Oregon's interior was gutted and its armor removed, the Navy bought the ship back, filled its hull with ammunition and towed it to Guam to sewe as a storage hulk. On March 15,1956, OregoM was sold to an American salvage company. Later, the historic ship was resold to a Japanese firm and scrapped, MH

H ISTORY

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I N T R I G U E Rebel Captain Frank Gurley faced a charge of killing an invalid Yankee general. By Robert P. Broadwater

mand, to captain and charged him with recruiting a company of cavaliy from the mountainous regions of Alabama's Madison and Jackson counties. Bragg was planning to march north into Kentucky, and he wanted Gurley's company to create as much havoc as it could with the Federal lines of supply and communication. When Gurley reached the Union-held area designated for his recruitment, he found a recently discharged company of the 7th Alabama Infantry Regiment in the mountains, tiying to avoid Yankee patrols. Men from several other commands were in the area as well, on furlough, on sick leave or, in some cases, trying to avoid fighting in the war on either side. Eventually Gurley was able to recruit a force of between 50 and 60 men, which was designated Gurley's Company (later C Company), 4th Alabama Cavalry. In addition to those on the official roster, an unrecorded number of soldiers on furlough or serving in a detached capacity accompanied the unit, enabling Gurley to field a force of nearly 80 men. Although duly mustered into Confederate service as regular cavalry, the unit operated behind enemy lines, and the Federals regarded it as a guerrilla force. Because there were a number of marauding bands and renegade deserters in the mountains, devoid of any attachment to, or sanction by, the Confederate military, the Federals tended to label all of the units operating in MadiTlie fate of toniier Confederate Captain Frank Gurley hung in son and Jackson counties

ON AUGUST 5, 1862, Brigadier General Robeii L. McCook was moiially wounded in an encounter with Confederate cavali^ near the town of New Market, in Madison County, Alabama. The general's death sparked a controversy centering around the question of whether he had been killed in the line of duty or murdered in cold blood. Captain Frank B. Gurley had been in command of the Southern hoi^semen responsible for McCooks death, and when he was captured a year after the event a three-year debate ensued, with the captains life hanging in the balance. Sometime in July 1862, General Braxton Bragg promoted Gurley. a trooper in Maj. Gen. Nathan Bedford Forrest's com-

the balance for three years.

18 MILITARY HISTORY AUGUST 2005

as outlaws. Captain Gurley was very sensitive to that fact and did all he could to keep his command under the strictest military discipline. One of his men stated, "Our commander therefore was compelled to discriminate nicely between the methods of war that were legitimate and illegitimate, and at the same time to exercise such control over the passions of his men as would prevent their resorting to the latter." WHEN BRAGG BEGAN his march into

Kentucky, Gurley was ordered to harass and obstruct any Federal forces retreating from Alabama. He had been reinforced by Captain Joseph M. Hambricks Company, 4th Alabama Cavalry, by then, bringing his total troop strength to approximately 150 effectives. Gurley's initial operations were frustrating misfires. First, in an attempt to disrupt the Union lines of transpoiiation, Gurley and his officers adopted a plan to capture and destroy a covered bridge that spanned the Flint River, just east of Huntsville. The bridge had been converted into a blockhouse with bulletproof doors to dissuade any Confederate attackers, but Gurley hoped to be able to get close to the position without being detected, then rush and overpower the garrison. The execution of the plan was a near miss. Gurley's men surprised a large number of the men from the garrison bathing in the river, but they beat a hasty retreat from their swimming hole and managed to reach the blockhouse before Gurley's men could overtake them. Deeming it imprudent to attack the garrison with the element of surprise lost, Gurley decided to reconnoiter down Gum Spring Road, which Union troops were known to use in their march toward Tennessee. Shortly after turning onto the road, Gurley received intelligence that a

Union general, accompanied by an escort of 400 to 500 cavalry, had passed along the road just a few hours before. Securing local guides, he pushed his command on through the night in pursuit. Daw n of August 6 found the Confederate troopers just outside the Union camp at Buck Springs. After dividing his command. Guriey ordered the troopere to dismount and attack the camp from opposite sides. Before both groups could get into position, however, the Federals broke camp and resumed their march. Once more, Gurley's planned attack had fallen just short of success. The Union general who came so near to being captured was later identified as Maj. Gen. George H. Thomas. GURLEY'S AND HAMBRICK'S troop-

ei-s continued to shadow the Federal army, and at 9 o'clock that morning they unknowingly struck the main body of General Thomas' infantn di\ision. At first the Union soldiers panicked and began fleeing in confusion. Assuming that they were facing only a small enemy detachment. Gurley's troopers pursued the fleeing Yankees until they were met by a solid column of blue-clad infantry. In the resulting melee, Gurley noticed a wagon trying to escape from the Confederates' path and ordered the driver to halt. When he failed to respond, Gurley's men loosed a volley of pistol fire in the wagon's direction, and the driver immediately reined in his horses. As Gurley and his men surrounded the wagon, they discovered that it was an ambulance whose cover had blown away during the attempted flight. The driver was untouched by the fusillade, but the ambulance's occupant had been shot through the torso, with the bullet exiting his body near the buckle of his sword belt. The wounded man tumed out to be Brig. Gen. Robert L. McCook. one of the "fighting McCooks" of Ohio, who had been commanding a brigade in Thomas' division until a severe case of dysentery compelled him to ride in the ambulance. At the time of Gurley's attack. McCook was dressed only in his undergarments and had no insignia of rank whatsoever upon his person. Consequently it was not until after the wagon had halted that the Confederates discovered the wounded person aboard was an officer. Recognizing that McCooks wound was mortal, Gurley had him taken to a nearby 30 MILITARY HISTORY AUGUST 2005

house where he could be made as comfortable as possible at the time. But he died a short time later McCooks aide, Colonel Hunter Brooke, and several of the general's orderlies were taken prisoner, and Gurley kept McCook's sword as a trophy. By then the Federal infantii' had fully recovered from its initial shock and was pressing the Confederate troopers

Recognizing McCook's wound was mortal, Gurley had him taken to a nearby house where he could be made as comfortable as possible at the time. closely, so Gurley ordered his men to withdraw to the relative safety of the mountains of Madison and Jackson counties. THE FEDERAL RESPONSE to McCook's

death was outrage. Allegations arose that bushwhackers and outlaws had gunned the general down in cold blood after he had suirendered. Retaliation was swift and furious. For several miles along the line of march, McCook's men avenged him by putting local homes to the torch, including the one in which he died. Union officials vowed to bring the assailants to justice and make them pay for their crimes, and orders were issued to make every effort to apprehend the perpetrators. Gurley and his company spent more than a year hiding out in their mountain stronghold, occasionally sallying forth to harass Union movements in that area. During the Chickamauga campaign, however, Gurley was finally captured, and he was at once charged with General McCooks murder. Despite his statements and evidence to the contraiy including the affidavits of Confederate government officials, the captain was charged with being a common bushwhacker, unaffiliated with any recognized Confederate militar\' unit. Guriey was incarcerated at Nashville, Tenn., pending the outcome of his military' trial, but the verdict was a foregone conclusion. On March U, 1864, the court recorded its decision as follows:

The within named Frank Gurley was tiled by a military commission upon the charge of murder: Specification. In this, that the said Frank Guriey, not being lawfully in the service of the so-called Confederate States, but being banded together with certain other citizens for the purpose of killing, robbing, and plundering Federal soldiers and loyal citizens of the United States, did feloniously shoot with a revolving pistol and kill Brigadier General Robert L. McCook, an officer in the service of the United States, witbout any provocation whatever, and while tbe said Brigadier General Robert L. McCook was Mng sick and helpless in an ambulance. All tbis in tbe vicinity' of tbe town of New Market, Madison County, Ala., and on or about the 5th day of August, 1862; all this in time of war. Tbe court rendered a verdict of guilty as charged and pronounced a sentence of death by banging. Genera! Thomas, who ordered the court, approved the proceedings and findings and sentence, but suspended execution, and "on account of the peculiar circumstances and excitement under which ibe crime was committed, together with the pre\'ious and subsequent good cbaracter of tbe prisoner, as proved in evidence," respectfully recommends communication to "confinement in a penitentiai-y for five years." Tbe proof of the killing is undisputed. On the 5tb day of August. 1862, while sick and riding in an ambulance, about two miles in advance of bis brigade, with an escort of nine men. General McCook was attacked by a party about 100 strong, Wben tbe attacking party was discovered the ambulance driver tumed about and put tbe borses to full speed in order to reacb his brigade, wbich was supposed to be only balf a mile to the rear. The escort immediately ran away, leaving the genei^al with no attendant but Captain Brooke, who was riding in tbe ambulance with him. During the flight tbe cover of tbe ambulance was torn off by accident, leaving the cot. with the sick man upon it, clearly exposed to view. After going about three-quarters of a mile, finding escape impossible, Gurley. being within a sboit distance and having commenced firing at tbem, tbe driver of tbe ambulance was directed to stop, and to do tbis at once he di^ove tbe borses against a bank of the roadside. Gurley was in advance of his men, and Just before coming in sight of the ambulance he fired at a sutler named Aug, wbo tbough not wounded fell frx)m his horse, and the accused cried out to his followers, "There be lays; kill bim," and rode on at a rapid rate. When within about 100 feet of tbe ambulance be fired a sbot which went wide of tbe mark. This was followed by another which perforated the coat of Captain Brooke, and v^hen witbin about twenty-

five ieel ol the ambulance hefireda third which struck General McCook and caused his death. Without slopping his horse the prisoner galloped on and was lost to view. That nighl Captain Brooke, who was taken prisoner, saw Gurtey when he came into the Rebel camp and recognized him as the man who killed Genei^al McCook.

The findings of tbe court go on for several more paragraphs, but the tone of the information remains tbe same. Tbe Union's star witness. Captain Brooke, in his own sworn testimony stated tbat be saw Gurley in a regular Confederate camp, where Brooke was being beld prisoner, fully substantiating Gui'leys claim tbat he vvas an officer in the Confederate Army and not a bushwhacker. Several of Gurley s men would testify al a later proceeding that they were with the captain when they came upon tbe wagon, and tbat they were all firing together, making it impossible to know whose bullet was responsible for the fatal wound. In spite of that glaring evidence of his innocence, Gurley was again found guilty of tbe crime, and General Thomas' recommendation to reduce the sentence from banging tofiveyears in prison was

overruled. He was beld in close confinement, pending the execution of his sentence, but the Federal authorities must bave realized tbe miscarriage of justice they were committing, for months were allowed to slip past without a formal date being set for the e.xecution. In February' 1865, a bureaucratic mistake granted Gurley bis freedom. He somebow appeared on a list of prisoners to be sent to Point Lookout, Md., preparatory to being exchanged. When the error was discovered. Secretary of War Edwin Stanton bimself wired the Union commander at Point Lookout and ordered him to detain Gurley if possible. Tbe prison commandant cotild oniy reply tbat Gurley had already been exchanged and sent soutb.

on his bebalf and caused Johnson to have a change of heart. On November 28, 1865, Gurley received a stay of execution: Executive Office, Washington, D.C, November 28, 1865. Major-General [Benjamin] Grierson, Commanding, &c., HuntsviUe, Ala.: You will suspend the execution of Frank B. Gurley until further orders. Andrew Johnson

General McCook's relatives bad added tbeir influence witb tbe president on Gurley's behalf, and tbeir intervention seems to bave led to Johnson's suspension turning into a full pardon in April FEDERAL AUTHORITIES were not fin- 1866. The matter was finally closed, and isbed with Gurley just yet, bowever. Once Frank Guriey, cleared of all charges, was the war bad ended, he was once more ar- a free man once more. rested and subjected to a military trial. Its In later years, Gurley would become verdict upheld tbe previous conviction, close friends with a man who was intiand on August 29, 1865, President mate with tbe McCooks. When he evenAndrew Jobnson ordered Gtirley banged tually learned of bis friend's association by tbe neck until dead. At that point, how- witb Roberi McCook's sumvors, Gurley ever, Gurley found an unexpected ally in gave him tbe genetal's sword to return to General Ulvsses S. Grant, wbo interceded tbe familv MH

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AUGUST 2005 MILITARV HISTORY 21

I N T E R V I E W

A Pole's Long Road to | | Determined to fight on after the German occupation of ^ his native Poland, Zbigniew Kowalski found himself P on the run again in a defeated France. SIMON REES

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A Polish .30-caliber machine gun team awaits the German onslaught at the start of Adolf Hitler's invasion in early September 1939. Poland would fall by the end of the month CAKG-lmages].

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AUGUST 2005 MILITABY HISTORY 23,

any teenagers believe the world is against them, but in 1939 that really seemed to be the case for 17-year-old Zbigniew Kowalski. Fleeing his homeland and leaving loved ones behind in the face of the Nazi invasion, he arrived in France to join the Free Polish Army, itching to give the Germans some payback. When France too collapsed, he decided to get to Britain no matter what obstacles were thi'own his way. All he had to rely on were his wits, his luck and the kindness of strangers. That was not the last chapter in Kowalskis war—in 1944 he returned to France by way of Normandy with the Allied army oi liberation. Triumph, however, was tinged with sadness, as he lost his best friend and was shot twice by a sniper. For his refusal to accept defeat and his brave escape from occupied Europe, the French nation honored him just over 50 years later with the Croix de Guerre. Today Zbigniew Kowalski is a grandfather and happily retired from a long and distinguished career at the petrochemical giant John Brown. In a recent interview with Simon Rees, he described his personal slice of World Warn. Military History: You were lucky enough to leave Warsaw before the Germans arrived in force. How did this happen? Kowalski: My father worked in the finance department for the PoHsh Ministry of Defense. Just before September 5, 1939, it was decided all military institutions in Warsaw, including my

fathers, were to be evacuated south—he decided to also take my mother, my two sisters and me. My father and I were at the station waiting when my mother arrived with my sisters. She was wearing a Red Cross armband and told us she had been mobilized lo work in the hospital and had to stay behind. It was over 10 years before I saw her again. MH: What was the rail journey south like? Kowalski: Soon after we left Warsaw, the Junkers Ju-87 Stukas flew in to bomb us, but thankfully they missed the target. On September 14, we arrived in the Lwow area, where my aunt lived. My father decided it would be safer for my sisters to stay 24 MILITARY HISTORY AUGUST 2005

with her, while we two continued on to the south. Again, it was over 10 years before I saw them. At the time, we had no idea that the government was planning an evacuation into Romania. We soon found ourselves heading for the border town of Zalishchyky. Before we got there, however, we called into a railway junction near a small village where the passengers went to get supplies. A captain and myself stayed behind to keep an eye on things. I was chosen because I was a cadet and was given a cavalry rifle with five bullets "just in case." Suddenly, Stukas came roaring overhead and then dived down to bomb us. I remember the tracks being blasted into the air and then, spinning bent and buckled, coming back down to earth. Amazingly—like the last time—none of the bombs damaged the train. Being a silly young boy, I decided to shoot back. After the Stukas left, the passengers came rushing back. They were concerned that we had both been hurt. Then they noticed my hand was bleeding. Like a fool I'd cut it when working the rifles bolt and had to keep telling them that I wasn't hurt and that it was just a scratch. MH: Having escaped Poland, you joined the Polish army assembling in France. How did that come about? Kowalski: After traveling into Romania, we ended up in a northern village with a large Polish population. I remember the day I was asked to join—it was November 11. The World War I armistice date is also Independence Day for Poland. My father and I attended a church service, and afterward a Polish officer approached me and said, "Don't you think its time you joined the army in France?" Then he looked at , my father, who bowed his head in agreement. And so that was that. I was told to go to Bucharest and await the official call-up from the Polish legation. My father and I traveled to the Romanian capital, where I had a three-week wait. When my official summons arrived, I went to the legation and was sworn in. 1 was told that the next shipment of volunteers was leaving from Split, in what was then Yugoslavia, for Marseilles. I was given the appropriate documents and then said goodbye to my father, who went on to serve in a Polish military hospital in Britain after the fall of France. MH: What was life like as a new soldier in the Free Polish army in France during the "Phony War"? Kowalski: On arrival in Marseilles we new recruits were put straight onto a railroad coach traveling north. They took us to a training camp on a mountainside behind the town of Avignon, and it wasn't long before they gave us uniforms, which were of the modem French type, except we wore special brovm berets. Part of the 2nd Polish Division, our unit was the 5th Malopolski Regiment of Infantry. One day our commanding officer, a Major Allinger, arrived. We all lined up for inspection, where he "volunteered" me for the heavy machine gun section. After basic training, our division went north near to the Alsace region. We were housed in a ramshackle farm with holes in the roof. We slept on straw and would wake up covered in snow. MH: So it was a hard time? Kowalski: Well, I was on one franc a day—not much even for then. But in this region of France there were many Polish emigres who had come to work in the mines. At some point a PoHsh

miner, whose job made him exempt from military service, approached me and asked if I could write a love letter for him to his sweetheart. In those days many people were still illiterate. As payment, he took me to the local cafe and bought me warmed wine. Obviously he was happy with my effort and told others, because word soon spread that Kowalski wrote the best and most beautiful Polish letters. People would buy me drinks for my writing, and of course the more people who came, the more drinks 1 had. On some nights they would have to drag me back to my quarters! Food, however, was a problem: It wasn't very good quality. I'll give you an example of how bad it coukl be. I was put forward to become a lance corporal and was seni to a training center, where one day I was told to unload somt.' food supplies. 1 noticed that the loaves were labeled" 1918" and the meat stamped "1915." The French were supplying us with frozen surplus left over from the Great War. The meat was so tough thai we had to cut it up into fine pieces and make a goulash out of it. MH: What happened to your unit once the Germans launched their hiit/krieg on France? Kowalski: In May 1940, our sister division, the 1st, was north of Nancy, and the plan was to rush us there so we could fight together in the same theater. We were loaded onto trains heading north, but at some point a decision was taken for us to backtrack south to Besan^on, in the Franche-Comte region close to the Swiss border. Near Besan^on we were housed in an old garrison located near to railway lines, and soon enough German

Above: A heavy machine gun team of the 2nd Polish Division on a French-made Hotchkiss weapon. Kowalski was assigned to a machine gun team in the 5th Malopolski Infantry. Below: As Ranee too falls victim to the German blitzkrieg, Polish troops prepare to flee again-this time to Britain.

aircraft flew over to attack the nearby rail station. We had no time to get the machine guns on their supports, so we used a nearby fence. It was a little silly to fire, I suppose, but we were keen to score a victory. Within days, our battalion was deployed a little farther to the north—our unit was sent to guard a bridge near Port-sur-Saone, a small village in a mountain valley. Al-

though we had dug in some way back fi-om the bridge, we could still see Germans prowling around on the opposite riverbank. The next day we received ordere to go west toward Montbeliard, the main area of operations for our battalion. As we approached we heard lots of shooting. Suddenly Polish motorcyclists came racing towards us. We flagged them down and asked what was happening. "Run away, mn away," they shouted. "The battalion has surrendered!" At that point it was decided our unit would retreat with the motorcyclists and then regroup with any surviving remnants of oitr battalion in some nearby woods. Here an officer gathered us together and laid out the facts as he knew

them. We were shocked when he told us that the Gennans were threatening Paris. "From now on," he said, "you have three options. One: you can march through the mountains and into Switzerland. Two: you can march back to your homes in Poland"—which got a iaugh, as this was more impossible than ever. "Three: join me and head south." I decided to go with him. An impromptu convoy was arranged, and we headed south. Passing Besan^on, we drove past German sentries guarding a bridge—as we went by they presented arms to us, and I can only assume they had no idea we were Poles. MH: When did you meet the Gennans face to face? Kowalski: We were captured on a moimtain road after one of our trucks broke down. One side of the road was a steep wooded incline and the other had a drop, so none of the vehicles could pass. To clear the road, our troops began to push the lorry down the escarpment. As they were doing this a number of shots rang out. I ran up into the woods and climbed a tree, where I waited for the firing to die away. When I thought it was safe, I climbed down. At this point I heard someone walking up on me from behind. I tumed around to see a German officer approaching—in one hand he held a revolver and in the other a stick grenade. I walked slowly in front of him and came back to the road, where 1 saw the rest of the unit had been rounded up by German troops. At this point the Gennans started shouting at me to drop my weapon. All this time my rifle

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was in my band, and I bad not realized it. I slowly set it on the ground and joined the prisoners. Tbe Germans were short of transport and drivers, so we were made to get into our trucks, which our troops drove back towards the north. We hadn't driven far wben the Germans called a halt. The area where we stopped was, in my mind, a good place to trv and make an escape. Our German guards were loitering about 50 meters avva\; and I bad noted—don't ask me wbere it came from—a 5kilogram vat of marmalade, tbe type they used in canteens, which I decided wotild offer the perfect distraction if 1 were to tip it over. When the Gennans became engrossed in their convei-sations, I pushed the maiTnaladc over and then dashed off down the roadside slope into nearby woods. Nothing happened. Tbe Germans either hadn'l seen me or didn't care that I had escaped. MH: So w hat did you do next? Kowalski: After 10 or 15 minutes I heard captors and captives drive off. Back on the road I began to walk south, and by evening I came across a bam, where I decided to spend the night. A dog obviously scented or heard me, because it began to bark furiously and alerted the farmer. He came into the bam and demanded to know who I was. I quickly explained, but he wanted me to leave anvway. "The Germans are near, and if they find you here, they'll execute me," he said. I begged him. "OK," he said, 'you can stay, but at 5 in the momingyou go." At 5 a.m. the next day he came in with coffee and sandwiches. After 1 bad finished this breakfast he said "Bon voyage," which was my cue to leave. I walked on through a place called Morez, into the hills towards Switzerland and eventually came across a border post. A Swiss soldier sbouted at me to come over, but the very idea of spending the rest of the war stuck in a neutral countr\' appalled me. I continued down a valley to a small place called Gex. Stai-v ing, I found a restaurant and stood in front of the window, just looking in at the cuslomers eating. A man came out and asked me who I wiw. I explained, and he brought me a meal and took me to a nearby nunneiy, wbeT'e they gave me a bed to sleep on. I slept for 24 hours. MH: Had you a plan of getting out of France at this stage? Kowalski: I had decided lo head for Mai-seille, where there was a Polish consulate. I hoped tbat it would be able to get me out of tbe countr>' and into Britain. So I continued onward and was lucky enough to hitchhike a ride on a truck down to Annecy, a small, picturesque town next to a large lake. In the market square crowds had gathered and the French tricolor was being taken down. Many there were crving. I asked what had happened, and people told me that General Henri Philippe Petain had capitulated and that France was now divided into two. 1 continued on foot, then caught a coach beading to Ugine, a village not far from Annecy. Tbe driver allowed me on the bus despite my not having any money. On board, a Polish woman came up to me and gave me her sandwiches and some money, whicb allowed me to catch a bus to Albertville. Unfortunately, 1 was arrested almost as soon as I arrived. At the police station 1 explained who 1 was. By tbis time 1 was wearing civilian clothes, but 1 can't remember who gave them to me or wben 1 changed from my uniform. The men detaining me had a discussion, and a gendarme with a holstered pistol ordered me up and out of the building. Marching in fi-ont of him, I heard his footsteps becoming more and more distant. I realized that he was purposefully hanging back and wanted me to escape. I saw

some bushes and darted off through them. From Albertville I went south, past Grenoble, down through Sisteron and then to Manosque, a village witb a railway junction. Here I clambered on to a stationary goods train heading to Mai-seille. MH: Getting to Mai^seille must have been a relief for you. Kowalski: Not really! At the Polish consulate there was a sign saying, "Closed until Victory." I knew there was a legation in Toulouse, so I had little choice but to sneak on a train and tr>' my luck there. Thankfully, the train was overcrowded, whicb stopped the ticket inspectors from doing their jobs. On board 1 noticed an airman talking in broken French about bombing Gennans. I shifted up lo bim and asked if he was a Pole. "Of course," he said, "we'll travel together and 111 make sure you're all rigbt." His name was Marian Jakubowski. At Toulouse the Polish legation was still open, and its personnel found a place for us to stay. They soon supplied us with passports, which all came with visas to Dutch Curacao. It was a cover, of course, for once out of Vichy waters we were to head for the United Kingdom. The boat we were to take was lea\'ing from Port-Vendres, just south of Perpignan. As we got on board, officials tumed up—they didn't detain us, but they kicked us off. We decided to head overland into Spain and from there on into Portugal. We knew it would be risky, as General Francisco Franco had no love for Polish people after many Poles had volunteered to fight foi" the Communists in the Spanish Civil Wai: MH: Were there any difficulties at the border?

Kowalski: Where we crossed, between the ocean and the foothills of the Pyrenees, the terrain was not harsh. Bul at one point I took a tumble and cut my leg. I hobbled over to a stream and tried to stem the bleeding, but it didn't

A 1945 drawing by Zbigniew Pietrlak depicts soldiers and a Cromwell tank of the 1st Polish Armored Division.

work. Jakubowski came over and said: "Pull down your trousers." An odd request, but 1 did as I was told. Then he urinated on my leg! It was very painful, but it stopped the blood flowing. Moving on, we came across a woman washing clothes in the river Hungry and needing help, we stumbled toward her, shouting, "Mademoiselle!" At that moment three Spanish border guards appeared. MH: How did they treat you? Kowalski: They were very nice, actually—they were on their lunch break and invited us to join them. After being relieved, they took us to a nearby village and handed us over to the local police. MH: What did the police do? Kowalski: They took us to Figueres and frog-marched us through the sti'eets to a castle. I was taken to see a captain, made a quick explanation of our situation and was then forced to hand in my passport and documents. While tbey decided what AUGUST 2005 MILITARY HISTORY 27

couldn't believe it: I actually thought I was going to cr>. Apparently he was verv' pro-Franco and didn't want to annoy the regime by helping Poles who had fought for the Allies. I had spent three or four days waiting at the legation when I was taken to stay in a Jesuit castle and abbey on the outskirts of Madrid. After another three or four days' wait, I was taken hack. MH: Were they more helpful this time? Kowalski: Yes, they had the documentation and passports ready. Along with a couple of other people, I got on a train bound for Portugal. At a bordei" station between Spain and Portugal we were taken off and taken to stay in a tavern. I phoned the legation in Madrid and asked its staff for assistance. They told me they would send help the next day, and sure enough Tank ciewiiien of the 1st Polish Armored Division are greeted by residents of a newly some policemen and a man from the liberated French town in the summer of 1944. For the Poles in Britain, the end of the war legation soon tumed up, stamped our in Europe only saw their homeland change hands from German to Soviet domination. documents and declared we could continue on to Portugal. After preparing yet more documents, the Polish legation in Lisbon got us on to do with us, we were detained with three other prisoners— foreign legionnaires, I believe. Every moming in the courtyard a ship heading to Gibraltar and then on to the UK as part of a they lifted the Spanish flag, and every evening they took it down. convoy. Because of the U-boat threat we sailed across the On each occasion they would perform a small ceremony, which Atlantic, past Cuba, past the coast of North America, on to we were forced to attend. We would all have to shout at the top Iceland and then down to Liverpool. The journey took 21 of our voices: "Viva Espanay Viva Franco!" It sounds ridiculous days. now, but at the time it was deadly serious. After a few days I was MH: Where did you go after your arrival in Liverpool? put onto a train, where someone told me that my destination Kowalski: They took us to a camp called Biggar in Scotland, was going to be a concentration camp. The train was moving where most Polish forces in Britain were based. Nearby was the slowly south through the countryside when, early in the military' hospital where my father was stationed—he knew I was moming at about 4, we stopped at a station in Bardalona, a OK because I had sent word to him via the legation of Madrid. small town very close to Barcelona. On one side of the station, MH: What role did you play in the Polish army in Britain? where shadows fell, soldiers were patrolling. On the lighter side, Kowalski: We all received new uniforms, and I was put into a workmen were checking the rails with hammers. As it was so Fiighland battalion that had seen action in Narvik in 1940. Our early, none of the guards had their eyes on me, and so I decided duties were to watch the Scottish coast and prepare for a posto take the chance of escaping. Nobody was watching, so I sible invasion from Norway. We spent 24 hours on watch and slowly climbed down from our carriage and walked past the 24 hours in camp. In the summer of 1941,1 was asked by my laborers. I reached the end of the platform and left the station. commanding officer to join a recruiting mission to Canada. MH: It seems amazing that no one saw you leave. They were in desperate need of men, and Canada and the northKowalski: I was lucky. I walked into some fields of sugar cane em United States, with their large Polish immigrant populato rest. After a long nap I picked myself up and got onto the road tions, were good places to look for new recruits. I stayed out heading towards Barcelona. Nobody traveling that day seemed there for a year and helped get a number of volimteers to join to notice me, and no one stopped to ask who I was. up. In the summer of 1942,1 returned to the UK and rejoined MH: What happened when you got to Barcelona? my unit, which was attached to the Polish 1st Armored DiviKowalski: I went straight to the honorary Polish consulate, but sion. We spent the next two years preparing for the invasion of the man who ran the place—a Spanish businessman—opened Europe, We were not in the first wave to land in Normandy— the door and bluntly told me: "We are open at 3." I wandered we landed on July 31, 1944, under Canadian command and took around and relumed at the appropriate hour This time the part in some of the fighting around Caen. Polish wife of the honorary consulate answered the door. I ex- MH: How did it feel to come back to Europe as part of a vicplained who I was, and she allowed me to stay at their house torious army? while documents were secured for me to continue on to the Kowalski: Well, I thought—most of us thought—we would Polish legation in Madrid. After I arrived in the Spanish capi- drive on all the way through Germany and on to Warsaw. Morale tal, the head of the legation said; "Why did you come? Don't was very high, although there was sadness too: My best friend, you know I've had all sorts of trouble ft-om the likes of you?" I Continued on page 11 28 MILITARY HISTORY AUGUST 2005

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Israel's Maginot Line' Fighters of Kibbutz Yad Mordecliai held off an Egyptian brigade-size force for six da\'s, gaining preeious time for Israel to fortify, organize and secure additional amis. BY GARY L RASHBA

30 MILITARY HISTORV AUGUST 2005

A statue of Mordechai Anielewicz, a leader of the 1943 Warsaw Ghetto Uprising, stands amid the battle damage ofthe Israeli collective farm named for him-Kibbutz Yad IVlordechai.

n 1948 Egyptian media trumpeted news from Kibbutz Yad Mordechai as the capture "one of the fiercest and most powerful strongholds of the Zionist settlements, built according to the most modem defense plans." Dubbed an Israeli "Maginot Line," it was described as having two-story-high heav\' gun posts and "surrounded by a trench three feet deep—after ten steps there was another trenchfivefeet deep and still further on one six feet in depth. The final defense line was electrified barbed wire." The description was far-fetched. Yad Mordechai's fortifications were far more humble, consisting mostly of trenches and sandbag-reinforced bunkers. With those simple defenses and a small arsenal of light weapons and hand grenades, just over 100fightersheld off a brigade-si/e miliiarv force from May 18 to 23, 1948, buying vital time that the fledgling state of Israel needed in its desperate first

days. Because of that, the battle has been called one of the most decisive of Israel's War of Independence. The conflict officially began with Israel's declaration of statehood on May 14, 1948. Determined to prevent the establishment of a Jewish state in the former British mandate of Palestine, the armies of Egypt, Svria, Transjordan. Iraq and Lebanon attacked the very next day. Kibbutz Yad Mordechai, a collective farm situated just over a kilometer from the Gaza Strip on the main road leading northward, stood in the way of the Egyptian thrust toward Tel Aviv The Israeli government counted on it and other settlements—especially those on the frontiers—to be centers of resistance against the expected onslaught. All able-bodied Jewish men and women in Palestine belonged to the Haganah, the pre-state underground army that, upon statehood, became the Israel Defense Forces (IDF). Originally a loose stmcture of local defense groups, the IDF had grown into a large oi^anization. Even so, the IDF, with its limited forces and equipment, relied on every Jew to stand and fight. The kibbutz was named after Mordechai Anielewicz, the 22-year-old leader of the 1943 Warsaw Ghetto Uprising against the Nazis. A number of its members were survivors of the Nazi exteiTnination program who had made their way to Palestine as illegal immigrants. Defensive preparations for the kibbutz were organized by Grisha Zilberstein, in charge of headquarters and disposition of manpower and arms, and Munio Brandvein, supervising the defensive positions. A command post was built with communication links to 10 sandbag-reinforced outposts on the kibbutz perimeter, each to be manned by a force of three. The kibbutz strongpoint was a pillbox built to the south, some 300 meters beyond the perimeter fence. Yad Mordechai's garrison consisted of fewer than 100 men, a mix of kibbutz membere and newly arrived refugees from Europe. Its arsenal included antipeisonnel "shoe mines" planted in front of the defensive posts, one PIAT (projector, infantrv, antitank) weapon with three rounds, a pair of 2-inch mortal's with 50 shells, one Browning .30-caliber machine gun, one German-made light machine gun, four submachine guns, 37 rifles and about 400 hand grenades, supplemented by Molotov cocktails. With that, the defenders were expected to hold off several months of sporadic attacks by lightly armed Arab irregulars. That was nothing new, as the kibbutz had already faced such raids. Yad Mordechai had been isolated and at times cut off completely during the "battle of the roads," when local Arabs blocked the routes connecting Jewish settlements, effecAUGUST2005 MlLllARY HISTORY 31

One kilometer from the Gaza Strip, Kibbutz Yad Mordechai lay. 'between the Royal Egyptian Army and Tel Aviv and could not simply be bypassed. Inset: A field officer explains the situation •. on the map of the Egyptian front in Palestine to visiting King ii5fc Farouk (at left] on July 7 1948.

tively putting them under siege. Yad Mordechai, however, was not prepared to withstand a thiust by the Royal Egyptian Anny with infantiA' brigades, heavy artilleiy. tanks and armored units, supported by an air force. The new state's deiensive strategy was built on the premise that Egypt would largely sit out the war Initially intending not to intervene in the conflict. Egypt was almost forced to enter it due to competing interests and rivalries. Fearing that TransJordan's British-trained-and-led Arab Legion—the best torce in the region—would seize the lion's share of liberated Palestine and gain prestige, Egyptian King Farouk committed some 10.000 men against Israel in a two-pronged attack. One column moved toward Beersheba, planning to continue on to Jerusalem, while the second headed north up the coast toward Tel Aviv. With friendly Aiab villages along the way, the road to Tel Aviv would be virtually clear once the border settlements were passed. THK ISRAELI PALMACH (an abbreviation for "Plugot Machatz," or strike companies, of the IDF) left a force of 16 men at Yad Mordechai. supplementing the kibbutz's strength and arsenal with its rifles and two British Bren .303-inch light machine guns. Field commander Brandvein spoke of the kibbutz's important strategic location: "Here we sit on the main i oad between Cairo and Tel Aviv. We are a barrier. You see how we have been able to cut off Arab traffic. If this place is captured, the Egyptian army can go straight north to the center of the country." Palmach commander Nahum Sarig echoed those sentiments, writing, "The fighters knew that the battle wasn't only for Yad Mordechai but also for Tel Aviv and the entire country." Planning to penetrate deep into Israel, the Egyptian forces required secure lines of communication, to which Yad Mordechai, sitting alongside the main road, posed a potential thi-eat. After unsuccessfully attacking two Jewish settlements farther south, the Egyptians saw that it would be a mistake to attack every one along the way. Yad Mordechai's location, however, dictated that it could neither be bvpassed nor merely contained—the Egyptian command ordered it to be taken. Soldiers of the Egyptian army's 7th Brigade moved in. and the 1st Battalion was charged with taking the kibbutz. While the kibbutz was implementing its defense plan on the evening of May 18, 1948. a pair of Royal Egyptian Air Force (REAF) Supermartne Spitfires strafed and bombed it. Faced with the reality of imminent attack, the Palmach evacuated 70 children and 42 adults from the kibbutz, including children's caretakers, pregnant women, mothers with babies and the sick. That left 130 people: the kibbutz membei-s (including 30 women) and the small Palmach contingent. The women prepared refreshments for the men in the positions and helped care for the wounded. Three women also served as runners after communications were

knocked out by Egyptian artillery, and one held a command position in the trenches. The Egyptians' first serious assault began on the moming of May 19. Aircraft dropped incendiary bombs, setting off fires throughout the kibbutz. Then their artillery, situated a few kilometers back, opened fire, using the kibbutz's v\ ater tower to estimate range. The tower was hit, and precious water streamed from holes caused by shell fragments. (The collapsed tower remains to this day, riddled with holes from the 1948 shelling.) Directed by a spotter plane, Egyptian 25-pounder field guns, 6-pounders and mortars bombarded the entire kibbutz in a methodical pattern for four hours. The only lull came after the Egyptians dropped leallets announcing an hour-long truce for the kibbutz to suirender. When the hour passed, the bombardment resumed. The Egyptians directed particularly heavy fire at the pillbox, making their intentions quite clear. Blocking their advancefi-omthe south, the pillbox would need to be taken if the Egyptians were to make an infantry assault on the kibbutz. The seven men manning the pillbox followed the Egyptians' progress thi-ough binocular. With armored cars providing cover fire, Egyptian soldiers began travei-sing a deep ravine, or wadi, then advanced toward the Israeli poAUGUST2005 MILITARY HISTORY 33

Above: Mortar teams bombard Yad Mordechai in a still photograph from an Egyptian film of its 7th Brigade's assault on the kibbutz. Above right: Bayonets fixed, infantry of the 7th Brigade's 1st Battalion advance on the kibbutz.

sition. After patiently waiting for them to come within effective range, the men in the pillbox opened fire. Riflemen picked off the officers while a Bren gun fired into the ranks. The attack dissolved into conftision, and the Egyptians retreated, seeking cover. After regrouping, the Egyptians came at the pillbox a second and third time. Both times, they broke and fled in the face of carefully directed fire. With three infantry thrusts defeated, the Egyptians renewed their artillery bairage. Fires broke out in the fields between the pillbox and the kibbutz, creating a feeling of isolation among the Israelis. When Egyptian infantry came at them a fourth time, the defenders prepared grenades and allowed the attackers to approach, nervously waiting as the Egvptians came closer and closer. When the order came, each Israeli threw his grenade and opened fire. Some soldiers took cover behind fallen comrades, while others fled. A few Egyptians, however, managed to probe around the pillbox and approach from behind, cutting through its wire defenses. Tbe situation in the pillbox had become grave. Surrounded, with only a few grenades remaining, their Thompson submachine gun out of ammunition and the Bren gun sparingly firing only single shots, the pillbox commander ordered a retreat to the kibbutz. With the pillbox neutralized, the Egyptians could now approach the kibbutz. Protecting its southern approach were posts 1 and 2, which would bear the brunt of the Egyptian attack. Built on top of small hills, those positions had clear views of the approach and good fields of fire. Emerging from behind White Hill, a low mound about 100 meters in front of the posts, some 60 Egyptians came at the kibbutz under heavy cover fire. Brandvein had ordered the defend34 MILITARV HISTORY AUGUST 2005

Armored cars move up to support the assault on May 20. On May 23, the Egyptians committed tanks.

ers to "shoot only when the Egyptians get to the fence." With great discipline, the Israelis held their fire. As they approached, the Egyptians tripped antipersonnel mines, resulting in casualties. More fell when the defenders fired mortars, threw grenades and opened small-arms fire. In another wave, the Egyptians made it to the barbed wire entanglements just 10 meters beiow the positions, and many were killed while cutting the wire. Seeing their comrades fall, a number of Egyptians turned and fled. Brandvein told how he helped stop one thrust when he "hit them with enfilading fire with the machine gun and saw them drop." In all, three or four Egyptian assaults were repulsed. This did not come without cost to the kibbutz—six men had been killed and about 20 wounded. Egyptian casualties were much heavier, estimated at 100 to 200. With ammunition already running low and some weapons out of action, the Israelis scavenged a dozen British rifles, ammunition, a PIAT rocket launcher wilh 12 rounds and two Bren guns hom dead and wounded Egyptians left on the battlefield during the night. They also laid additional antipersonnel mines and burrowed protective cavities into the trench walls. With morning, the Egyptians renewed their attack. This

A Palmach member armed with a Bren machine gun awaits the next Egyptian assault Some of the Israelis' weapons and ammunition were recovered from their fallen enemies on the battlefield.

time the mortar and artillery barrage was more precise, seeking out the trenches while machine gun fire continued to rake the kibbutz. Then smoke shells werefired,which the defenders knew was to mask an infantry advance. When the wind shifted, the smoke cleared, revealing Egyptian troops working at the entanglements with wire-cutters. The attack was stopped with rifle fire and hand grenades. Armored cars led the second Egyptian assault with machine guns blazing, but monar fire from the kibbutz kept ihem at bay That and a third attack were also repulsed, each with heaw losses to the Egyptians. With its own casualties mounting, the kibbutz pleaded for reinforcements, but Israel was under attack on all fronts. In addition to the Egyptian thrusts, Transjordan's Arab Legion was threatening Jerusalem, while Syrian, Lebanese, Iraqi and iiregular guerrilla forces kept pressure on Israel's north. Resources had to be dedicated to defensible positions and not to isolated settlements. Israeli Command was able to dispatch one platoon of 30 Palmach men, with their standard equipment plus some additional weapons and ammunition, as replacements for Yad Mordechai's dead and wounded. When they succeeded in reaching the kibbutz, the Palmach men helped repair trenches damaged by Egyptian artilleiy and relieved some of the posts. Their arrival brought welcome additional manpower as well as the morale-building knowledge that Yad Mordechai was not completely cut off. YAI) MORDECHAJ WAS NOT ALONE in calling for reinforcements that night. The new Palmach anivals told of an Egyptian radio communication reporting 300 to 400 Egyptian casualties, with the 1st Battalion no longer in fighting form. The 2nd Battalion was ordered in to finish the job. During World War II, the British had felt that their Egyptian allies had neither the will nor the capability to undertake a serious military role. The 1948 campaign proved that liltle had changed, in spite of the infusion of weapons and equipment the Egyptians had inherited from the British. Faced with unexpected resistance and heavy losses at Yad Mordechai, the offensive lost momentum. The shelling continued day and night for two days. An Egyptian convoy bypassed the kibbutz while soldiers deployed in the sun-ounding hills, tightening the stranglehold on Yad Mordechai. Wishful thinkers among the defenders

hoped the Egyptians had decided to leave the kibbutz be, but in fact they were using the lull to organize newly arriving reinforcements and additional assets. On May 23, Egyptian artillery opened a ferocious barrage. Believing this was another divei-sionary bombardment while the Egyptians bypassed the kibbutz, Yad Mordechai's defenders crouched in their ti enches. When they lifted their heads, they were surprised lo see tanks—being deployed for the first time—and Bren carriers (light tracked armored vehicles mounting light machine guns) advancing, trailed by infantrs. While tanks fired into the kibbutz's defensive posts, the Bren carriers pressed forward. A tank and some troops managed to penetrate the kibbutz and stopped behind Post 1, which the Israelis abandoned. A runner coniinned the positions loss: "Position 1 retreated. Armored vehicles broke through the fence." Convei^ing on the area where the tank stood, the kibbutz defenders threw hand grenades and fired PIAT I'ounds, all to no effect. The tank remained stationary, firing its machine gun. It was not clear whether it had been damaged. Perhaps the crew was disoriented—all alone, lost in a built-up area of the kibbutz and not really sure what to do next. The Israelis fired more PIAT rounds, again without success. Improvised fortified grenades—two grenades combined with a qtiantity of TNT—also failed to penetrate the tank's armor or dislodge its treads. After some time, the tank began to move again. Einally, one of Yad Mordechai'sfighterscharged the tank and threw a pair of fortified grenades that exploded next to the machine gun slit. As he mshed the tank, he was cut down by machine gun fire, but the tank hadfinallybeen disabled and had to be towed out. Men vvere pulled from other posts to help fend off the Egyptians. Post 1 was reoccupied, and the Egyptians vvere driven tram the kibbutz. More soldiere tried to enter the kibbutz through the torn fence but were stopped by machine gun fire v\hile mortar fire held off their armor. As dusk settled, the Egyptians pulled back. The price of the day's fighting had been high. When they took stock of the day's losses, the Israelis learned that seven men had been killed, bringing total casualties up to 23 dead and 35 wounded. The kibbutz had also suffered equipment losses. In the counie of fighting, the mortar and Browning machine gun were destroyed. Many guns w ere out of commission, and those that remained were low on ammunition. The kibbutz fences had been destroyed, defensive positions were in poor shape from the constant artillery barrage and some defenders were without hand grenades. Worst of all, the people were exhausted. "By this time our position was completely finished," Commander Zilberstein recalled. "We had run completely out of ammunition and we had nothing with which to fight. After this I returned to the central command and there we began to discuss what we should do. We immediately decided that unless we got help to relieve all the fighters at their posts, who had reached the end of their strength, we could not AUGUST 2005 MILITARY HISTORV 35

A shell-riddled building lends mute testimony to the intensity of the fight for Yad Mordechiai-an Israeli defeat that neverthieless delayed the Egyptian advance enough to make possible the eventual retaking of the kibbutz.

continue holding off the Egyptians, With its convoy blocked, hovvevei; all the Palmach could offei" was to evacuate the wounded and leave a small force to supplement the kibbutz's defenders. Eourteen of Yad Mordechai's wounded were evacuated in the armored trucks, along with a number of the women. Knowing there would be no further relief, Zilberstein noted, "we decided that we would retreat from here that same night." After checking that nobody would be left behind, the men and women gathered at a staging area, took a final look at their destroyed home and headed off into the darkness through the Egyptian lines toward Kibbutz Gvar Am. Palmach forces attacked the Egyptian position that had blocked the convoys route, providing a diversion that helped the trucks carrying the wounded to get through. Off in the distance, the Israeli troops could see the people of Yad Mordechai making their way to safety. When the Egyptians discovered the movement, they opened fire. In the confusion of the nighttime evacuation under Egyptian fire, two stretcher-bearers and the wounded man they carried became separated from the group and were captured. Nothing was ever heard of the three again, and they were added to the list of dead, raising the number of deaths in the stand at Yad Mordechai to 26 (18 from the kibbutz and eight Palmach men). Such heavy losses were representative of the War of Independence, in which 6,000 citizens—1 percent of the entire Jewish population of Israel—lost their lives and 15,000 were wounded. "We really managed to get out under their noses and by dawn we managed to reach Gvar Am," Zilberstein recalled. In the morning, the Egyptians resumed their bombardment of Yad Mordechai. Only after several hours of shelling did they realize that the kibbutz had been abandoned. In the afternoon, the 2nd Battalion finally entered the kibbutz.

TI IE EGYPTIAN NEWSPAPER 4/-MM5ara reported, "After conquering Yad Mordechai, the route to Tel stay here any longer." Aviv is open before the Egyptian forces." But that was not The Israelis tried to send relief forces. A Palmach unit set the case. After occupying the kibbutz, an Egyptian column out with 10 armored trucks from nearby Kibbutz Gvar Am of some 500 vehicles began its delayed drive north up the late that night. Attacked by Egyptian forces along the way, coastal road toward Tel Aviv. But the combat at Yad only three of the convoy's trucks managed to get through, Mordechai had sapped the offensive of strength and broken arriving at a point 300 meters from Yad Mordechai. The its momentum—it took the Egyptian column four days to trucks carrying weapons and most of the reinforcements reach what is today the port city of Ashdod, just 24 kilodid not get through. Two Palmach company commanders meters north, where it was halted by a bombed-out bridge, slipped into the kibbutz to assess the situation. Appalled now known as Gesher Ad Halom. Palniach southern comby the level of destruction and nearly overcome by the dizzy- mander Sarig called each day gained at Yad Mordechai ing stench of corpses and the suffocating heat of the "more precious than gold in that it gave sufficient time.. .to crowded shelters, one of the officers noted, "We felt the concentrate a blocking force, to organize a line of defense, which was what stopped the enemy advance at Ashdod." people had reached the end of their strength." Now an officially recognized state, Israel was busy pur"We can hold out," one of Yad Mordechai's commanders persisted, "but we must rebuild our fortifications, and that chasing artillery, military materiel and aircraft. The councan only be done at night. But the people here simply don't try had been in the gravest danger during those early days have the strength for this type of work, and without fortifi- when all it had was the meager supply of amis illegally imcations we can't hold out." The kibbutz pleaded for more ported or otherwise acquired during the mandate period. weapons and reinforcements, with which they vowed to Continued on page 72 36 MILITARY HISTORY AUGUST 2005

BrusiloY s Brilliant Offc

The most successful Allied campaign of 1916 might have changed the outcome of World War I—and even wortd history—had it heen launched a year earlier BY BRIAN TURNER

38 MILITARY HISTORY AUGUST Z005

nsive

a%.

, Russian infantrymen advance on the southwestern front during General Aleksei A. Brusilov's offensive of June 1916-a rare instance where their sacrifice was relatively modest and not in vain fSovfoto/Eastfoto).

he Russian preliminary bombardment began at dawn on June 4,1916, as 1,770 guns opened up on Austro-Hungarian positions along a 200-mile stretch of the Easlem Front from the Pripet Marshes to the Romanian border. It was brief by World Wai-1 standards—six hours, compared with seven days for the Battle of the Somme on the Western Front a few weeks later. But the fire had been carefully registered to cut lanes in the enemy's barbed wire and destroy his forward trenches, machine gun nests and deep shelters. At zero hour, Russian infantiymen sprang from saps dug close to the enemy front line and charged through the gaps in the wire. They took the defenders completely by sui"prise.

T

It was an auspicious beginning to the Imperial Russian Army's most successful offensive of World War I. Over the next three months it would penetrate the Austrian front to an average depth of 20 miles, take 450,000 prisoners and indict more than 250,000 other casualties. It nearly knocked Austria-Hungary out of the war. Planned by General Aleksei A. Brusilov, commander of the Russian Southwestern Army Group, it is the only victory of that conflict to be named after its creator: the Brusilov Offensive. To the Russians, it is the Brusilovski Proriv— "Brusilov's Breakthrough." Russia's army had known mixed fortunes since Germany declared war on the tsar on August 1. 1914. First came its crushing defeat at Tannenberg in September. Tsar Nicholas II, reAUGUST 2005 MILITARY HISTORY 39

Right: Russians guard Austrian prisoners of war in a camp in Karelia. Below right: Brusilov's well-conceived week-long push left the Austro-Hungarian line critically weakened.

sponding to an appeal from invaded France for a divei^sion, had sent two armies into East Prussia before Russian mobilization was complete. The result was the annihilation of the Russian Second Army, but whatever his shortcomings as a ruler, Nicholas was a staunch ally, as he would prove again later. Moreover, Tannenberg was subsequently avenged by commander in chief Grand Duke Nicholas' southwestern drive into Galicia {Austrian Poland) and the Austrian Bukovina (now in Ukraine and Romania), capturing Lembei^ and the great frontier fortress of Przemysl, known as "Austria's Gibraltar." Fierce fighting raged that winter as the Austrians barred the Russians from breaking through the Caipathian Mountain passes to the Hungarian plain. In May 1915, the tide turned with the Austro-German Gorlice-Tamow offensive, which drove the Russians back, occupied one-quarter of European Russia and took 400,000 prisonei-s. The Eastern Front was stabilized on a 700-mile line from Riga to the Romanian frontier. Germany held the nothem half, under Field Marshal Paul Graf von Hindenbei^ and General Erich Ludendorff—the Tannenberg winning team—and Austria-Hungaiy the lower half, under Archduke Fiiedrich. The Geiman duo wanted to finish off the Russians, but their chief of the general staff. General Erich von Falkenhayn, had his mind set on the Western Front and his projected offensive at Verdun. In the Allied camp, joined by Italy in May 1915, stalemate prevailed on all fronts. French commander in chief General Joseph Joffre called an inter-Allied conference at his Chantilly headquarters on December 8, 1915, which decided that joint offensives would be launched in July by the British and French on the Somme and the Italians in the Alps. Because of its heavy losses in 1915, Russia was assigned a secondary role. The Germans upset the Allies' attempt at a coordinated effort by attacking first, at Verdun on February 21, 1916. Once again France appealed to the tsar. Although the Russian army was not ready, he responded with an attack at Lake Naroch, in the Vilna region, which foundered in the spring thaw and resulted in 110,000 Russian and 10,000 German casualties, but it at least stopped the Germans from transferring more divisions to Verdun. Ludendorff was sui-prised by the weight of the Russian barrage—a portent of things to come. lmost unnoticed, even by its Western allies, Russia had been gathering strength anew. Its armies had been refilling their ranks and reequipping themselves, thanks to a better oi'ganization of war industry under a new— and honest—war minister. General Aleksei A. Polivanov Production offieldartillerv shells had risen from 100,000 to 800,000 per month, though heavier calibei-s were still in short supply. More guns and ammunition had been purchased abroad. Small-arms cartridge output from Russian factories had increased fi-om 69 million to 85 million a month. There were plenty ofrifles,although they were of several different patterns. Two army corps, for example, were completely armed with captured Austrian rifles, and 50,000 more were in stock. Overall, 60 corps had been formed from Russia's seemingly in-

A

40 MILITARY HISTOKV AUGUST 2005

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exhaustible pool of manpower, compared with 35 when the war started. Officer losses, too, were being made up at 144 officer training schools, each giving a four-month course. "Few episodes of the Great War are more impressive than the resuscitation, reeqLtipment and renewed giant effort of Russia in 1916," wrote Winston Churchill in his book Tlie World Crisis. The tsar, who had unwisely appointed himself commander in chief in place of his popular and efficient uncle. Grand Duke Nicholas, called a conference at his Mogilev headquarters on April 14, 1916, to plan the Russian contribution. Present were the chief of staff. General Mikhail V. Alekseiev, and the commanders of the three army groups: Aleksei N. Kuropatkin (Northwest). Aleksei Y. Evert (West) and Brusilov (Southwest). Brusilov had been appointed commander of the Eighth Army's Southwest Group only a month before, replacing the hesitant General Nikolai Y. lvanov Brusilov was 63 but full of energy. Bom in Tiflis in the Caucasus, he fought in that theater in the 1877 Russo-Turkish War as a lieutenant in the Tver Dragoons. Rising steadily by merit, he commanded the cavalry school in St. Petersburg for some years before moving up to corps and army command. He was not involved in the RussoJapanese Wai- of 1904-05, a debacle that stained many Russian military reputations. He had a great regard for ordinary soldiers and carefully watched over their training and welfare. For example, he placed Lublin city park off limits to all ranks after seeing a sign on the gate, "Enlisted men and dogs not admitted." Almost alone among Russian generals, Bmsilov had a habit of making surprise \isits to the front line to make sure his orders were being carried out. In December 1914, he \asited the 15th Company of the 45th Siberian Regiment and found the men had had no hot food for two days, though other companies had. He reprimanded the officer in charge and threatened to break any officer who displayed similar negligence in the future. At the Mogilev conference, Alekseiev directed Everts West Group to make the major effort toward Vilna at Molodechno, south of Lake Naroch, supported by a converging push from Kuropatkins Norihwest Group. Although a loser in the Russo-Japanese War, Kuropatkin was a court favorite, as was Evert. Despite a 5-to2 troop superiority, they were loath to tangle with the Germans' strong defenses and heavy artillery. Brusilov, by contrast, was upbeat—and had some new ideas. He believed the Russians should attack on all fronts to deprive the enemy of the advantage of his interior lines and stop him from moving his forces around quickly on his efficient rail system. Although the Germans and Austro-Hungarians had fewer troops than the Russians, they had always been stronger at the Rus-

sians' point of attack. Even if Brusilov met with no success, he claimed he could at least pin down enemy forces, easing Kuropatkin's and Evert's tasks. Alekseiev approved but pn)mised Bmsilov no reinforcements, since the reserves and heavy artillery were earmarked for Kuropatkin and Evert. Tsar Nicholas silently endorsed Alekseievs decisions by his presence. After the meeting, a general reproached Brusilov for placing his own reputation on the line by proposing to take the offensive when he was not required to do so. Brusilov replied that he was not concemed about his reputation, only with striking a blow for Russia. "The general shmgged his shoulders, gave me a pitying glance, and tumed away," Bmsilov recalled. Bmsilov summoned his four army commanders: Generals Aleksei M. Kaledin (the northernmost Eighth Army); Vladimir V. Sakharov (Eleventh); Dmitri G. Shcherbachov (Seventh); and Aleksandr Krymov (Ninth), a deputy who replaced the ill Platon A. Lechitsky. Each army would select a sector, he told them, within which each individual corps would choose its own best point for attack. The enemy, seeing entrenching operations going on in 20 to 30 different places, would have no idea where the blow would fall. Reserves would be dispersed. Bmsilov's main attack would be made in the north, toward Lutsk, by the Eighth Army—the nearest to the West Group, whose attack it was supporting. If the Ninth Army was successful in the south, that might push a still-hesitant Romania into the Allied camp. Everything had to be ready by May 23; the armies would then be on one week's notice by telegram to begin their attacks. While preparations began on the ground, Bmsilov's airplanes were aloft, photographing the entire Austro-Hungarian defensive system. The information was transferred to large-scale maps, which proved to be better than the Austrians' maps of their own defenses. While the troops were kept well back, unit commanders were constantly in the front line, observing the terrain over which they would attack. Artillery observers were also up front registering on precise targets—machine gun nests, deep shelters and sectors of the enemy wire where gaps were to

A Russian patrol skirmishes with the enemy in February 1916. Recovering from a series of disasters in 1914-15, the Russian army was ready to go on the offensive in April 1916. AUGUST 2005 MILITARY HISTORY 41

be opened. Five lines of trenches parallel to the front line were dug as assembly areas. Under cover of night, Russian pioneers dug saps forward under their OWTI wire to within 100 yards of the Austrian lines. The Austrian defenses looked formidable: three defensive belts at intervals of one mile. Within each were three lines of trenches. 50 yards apart. Up to 20 rows of barbed wire, some of it electrified, covered each belt. The Austrians had also dug deep frontline shelters, which they called Fuchslocher (foxholes). With several meters of earth resting on balks of timber or steel girdei^ they were impregnable, save for a direct hit. A drawback to the shelters was their narrow entrances—difficult to get out of and easily blocked by shellfire. A quiet winter had given the Austrians plenty of time to per-

Brusilov agreed to delay until June 1, if Evert attacked at the same time. On May 25, Alekseiev reported that Evert wasn't ready and asked Brusilov to postpone his attack until June 4. Everi would follow 10 days later. Brusilov said the interval was long but acceptable, provided there were no more delays. Brusilov wasn't out of the woods yet. On June 3. Alekseiev again urged him to abandon his multipronged assault and concentrate on one sector only—a reversion to the traditional approach, which he said the tsar wanted. Brusilov demanded to be put through to the monarch but was told he had gone to bed and could not be disturbed. "I don't care about the tsar's sleep!" shouted the exasperated Brusilov. "All right, God be with you— do as you like," responded Alekseiev. Never was so victorious an offensive mounted with such lackluster support.

onfrnnting the Russians fi^om north to south was the army group commanded by German General Alexander von Linsingen, consisting of two independent corps and the Austrian Fourih Army; Field Marehal Eduard Freihen von Bohm-Ermollis army group, comprising the First Army of General Paul Puhallo von Brlog and Bohm-Ermolli's own Second Arniy; the Southern Army (SMdannee) of one Gernian and nine Austrian divisions commanded by German General Felix Graf von Bothmer; and the Seventh Army of General Karl Freiherr von Pllanzer-Baltin. Austrian airmen had noted the new trenches behind the Russian front, but when General Headquarters iAnneeoherkommando, or AOK) in Teschen consulted with the army commanders, their replies were so reassuring Facing a crisis under the Russian hammer blows, Austrian Field Marshal Franz Conrad that the Austrians decided to go ahead von Hbtzendorf (rightj pleaded with German General Erich von Falkenhayn for more with plans to celebrate Archduke Friedtroops. The Germans transferred three divisions from Verdun. rich's 60th birthday on June 4 with a torchlight parade. Brusilov had a birthday present ready for the occasion. feet their defenses—an exhibition devoted to them was even As Bioisilov intended only to pin down the enemy and facilistaged in Vienna. But the defensive mentality had dulled the men's fighting edge. "The troops did more digging than train- tate the main thrust, he had set no strategic objectives—an ing," acknowledged the Austrian official history. Some senior omission that would soon be felt when the demonstration balofficers had invited their wives to join them. Pleasure-loving looned into a major victorv'. The operation began on June 4 with Archduke Josef Ferdinand, commander of the Fourth Army, a reconnaissance in force. Hindenberg in his memoirs quotes gave frequent parties at his Lutsk headquarters and organized an unnamed foreign observer as saying, "Brusilov was like a man tapping on a wall to find out what was solid stone and what picnics and boating e.xcursions along the Styr River. Brusilov's reconnaissance indicated that he faced some was lath-and-plaster." He soon found the weak spot. As military 480,000 Austro-Hungarian troops in 38 divisions, along with historian Basil Liddell Hart put it, "Never has a mere demonthree divisions of Germans. Most reserves, heavy artillery and stration had so amazing a success since the walls of Jericho fell aircraft had been transferred to the Italian front for Austria's to Joshua's trumpet blasts." Brusilov's careful aitillerv' preparation paid off as the Eighth Trcntino offensive, which began on May 15. Bntsilov had 510,000 men in 40 divisions. It was not the 2-to-l superiority Artny's advancing troops tore a 20-mileA\ide gap in the Austrian that conventional wisdom judged essential for an offensive, but defenses at Olyka. Archduke Friedrich's general-adjutant, HerBmsilov was not launching a conventional offensive. On May bert Gra/Herberstein, reported to Empei or Franz Josef: "With drumfire of undreamed-of intensity, the Russians...saturated 23, all four armies reported preparations were complete. The next day Alekseiev telegraphed to ask when Brusiiov not only our front lines—whose occupants were buried by loose could attack. "One week from now," the general replied. But the sand and earth in their bombproof shelters—but our reserves, Italians pleaded for help, and the tsar wanted to send troops. who often suffered heavy casualties before even being en42 MILITARY HISTORY AUGUST 2005

gaged....Aside from the fact that this enormous firepower destroyed the strong wire obstacles, in the prevailing dr\, calm weather [it raised] a huge, dense cloud of dust and smoke, often mixed with poisonous high-explosive gases, which made it hai d to see and even breathe." Wherever the Russians penetrated, units on either side, even if not attacked, invariably fell back, rapidly widening any inroad. Czech and other Slavic troops in the Austro-Hungarian army, reluctant to fight fellow Slavs, surrendered in droves. Good fighting units were swept away by those in retreat. The Russians were soon through the elaborate defenses and slogging across the dusty fields toward Lutsk, housing the Fourth AiTny headquarters on the Styr. Krupy Hill, dominating Lutsk, was captured after a dogged defense by Hungarian units. General Hugo

Army between the Dniester and Pint rivers, capturing 20,000 prisoners. The Austrian commander was ill but insisted on rimning the battle—or trying to—from his hospital bed. He and AOK gave conflicting orders, so that his transport retreated southwest from the Dniester while fighting units went in the other direction, causing huge traffic jams on the inadequate roads. When the Ninth Army broke through at Okna, future philosopher Ludwig Wittgenstein was serving as a corporal in an artiileiy company that held its ground. He earned the Silver Medal for Bravery, the citation stating that "though urged to take cover, he continued to spot enemy guns to such good effect that two heavy mortars were destroyed by direct hits, as prisoners confirmed later." Later, during the retreat, Wittgenstein was reported sitting "utterly exhausted, on his horse in the end-

Aided by aerial reconnaissance, Russian guns pound the Austrian lines on June 4, 1916. The bombardment only lasted six hours, but it achieved its goals, and an uncharacteristically swift follow-up by the Russian infantry caught the stunned defenders by surprise.

M. von Malastow's Austrian X Corps fell back, nearly blinded by tall ripening crops and the smoke and dust clouds. Lutsk fell on June 8, and the Russians crossed the Styi; 25 miles from their jumping-off point. In the next few days they would go another 25 miles to the next line, along the Stokhod River. By June 9, Brusilov's forces had taken 73,040 prisoners, 94 guns, 179 machine guns and 53 trench mortars. The sole black spot was the continued Austrian defense of Koiki, on a bend in the north-flowing Styr below Lutsk. It protected the important rail center of Kovel, where two east-west lines crossed the norih-south railroad. Capturing it would block German reinforcements fl om the north. Bmsilov urged General Kaledin to go on the defensive to the west and wheel northwest to Kovel. Instead, he continued on the hne of least resistance toward Vladimir Volynski, and the opportunity was lost. Lechitskys Ninth Armv drove back Pflanzer-Baltins Seventh

less column," trying to avoid falling off. In the center, Sakharov's attack at Sopanov was initially successful but had no reseives to support it, and it was beaten off by the stouthearted von Bothmer and his German units. The Russians were now well placed to execute a double envelopment from their northern and southern salients, but they lacked the necessary reserves. Austria's defeat further increased its dependence on its German ally. On June 5, Austrian chief of the general staff Field Marshal Franz Conrad von Hotzendoif appealed to Falkenhavn for aid. He sent three German divisions from Verdun but warned Conrad that further aid would depend on his teiTninating his South Tyrol offensive and withdrawing the troops ti-ansfeired there. Hindenbei^ and Ludendorff sent down five divisions h om their half of the Eastern Front. Von Linsingen demanded that the AOK dismiss Archduke Josef Ferdinand. He AUGUST 2005 MILITARY HISTORY 43

Although it was not enough to stave off the 1917 revolution, "Brusilov's Breakthrough" made him a national hero to White and Red Russians alike.

Allied camp on August 27. A swift counterblow by the Germans, however, would soon knock it out of the war again. Encouraged by his success thus far, Brusilov waited in vain for the main offensive to begin, On June 13, Alekseiev phoned to say Evert could not attack as planned on June 14 because of bad weather; he would do so on June 18. But Evert found another excuse for delay: the German buildup at Molodechno was too strong, and he had the tsar's permission to change to an objective farther south at Baranovichi. Brusilov knew that an attack there would fail—at least six weeks vvere needed to mount a new offensive in a different place—and so it proved. "That vvas the end of the military operations of the West [Group] to support my offensive," he concluded dryly in his mem
s it was, Brusilov received a flood of congratulatory letters and telegrams from Russians in all walks of life for what he had accomplished. The one he most appreciwas replaced by Hungarian General Karoly Ritter von Terszated came from Grand Duke Nicholas. nov\' fighting tyanszky von Nadas. a fitting choice, since half of the Fourth the Turks in the Caucasus. "I congratulate, kiss, emArmy were Hungarians. The German stiffening—they said they were "the stays in the brace and bless you," he wired. The tsar av\arded Brusilov Austrian coreet"—soon made itself felt. Von Linsingen formed Russia's highest military decoration, the Sv\'ord of the Order of a strike force of three fresh Geiman divisions and five Austrian St. George with Diamonds, "for victoiy over the Austro-Hundivisions on the right flank of the Eighth Army salient, under garian amiies and capture of their positions in Volhynia, GaliGerman General Georg von der Manvitz, which recovered some cia and the Bukovina." This only left the jealous Kuropatkin and ground. Falkenhayn sent German divisions to Pflanzer-Baltin Evert even less inclined to assist him. Brusilov attacked in August and again in September to help to anchor the threatened southern end of the line, but they were siphoned off on the way to cope with emergencies in the center, his beleaguered Romanian allies, but the momentum had been where Sakharov and Shcherbachov were keeping up the pres- lost due to German reinforcement and Russian supply probsure. A British nurse with the Russian Seventh Army, Florence lems. Shoi1 on motor transport, the Russian army relied on twoFarmborough, was taken to see deserted Austrian trenches and wheel horse-drawn carts to bring up supplies. Operations were found them "amazingly well constixicted." A notice vvas nailed suspended once and for all in October. By then, Brusilov had up on the wall of one dugout: "Austria Kaput! 47,000 prisoners taken 450,000 prisoners and 500 guns. He claimed to have incaptured! 77 guns surt'endered!" Faimborough described it as flicted a million other casualties on the enemy, and asserted that "obviously an important bulletin, issued by a jubilant Russian he could have shortened the war if he had been supported. soldier en passant!" An officer's dugout, she reported, "contained In response to Brusilov's Breakthrough, the Central Powers chairs, tables, pictures on the armored walls and books; there had been obliged to transfer 23 Gennan and Austrian divisions was even an English grammar" From up ahead she heard cries from France, Italy and the northem part of the Eastern Front, of "t/ra!" as the victorious Russians advanced. plus a Turkish corps of two divisions, to stop the "Russian Success in the south—^where Lechitsky had captured Czer- steamroller" Conrad's Trentino offensive was called off and novitz on June 18, occupied the Bukovina and advanced 75 Falkenhayn's Verdun attack weakened. German control of the Continued on page 72 miles to the Carpathian passes—had tilted Romania into the

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MILITABY HISTORY AUGUST 2005

The Fifth Crusade was arguably the one most influenced by the pope, but even the Vatican could not control the land and sea forces under its nominal command. BY DOUGLAS STERLING

le river had been rising for days, and the men were exhausted. All attempts to capture the fortress had failed. A waterbome attack was necessary, and now the new siege engine was ready. Two ships had been bound together with ropes and beams, with a large tower built incorporating the masts of both, capable of reaching to the height of the walls. Aided by a smaller ship, its sails spread wide, the Crusaders jumped into the river and, straining against the current, dragged the improvised siege tower toward the Egyptian fortress. The siege of Damietta—and the fate of the Fifth Crusade—had reached a turning point. By the time Pope Innocent III called for the Fifth Crusade in 1217, the crusading movement had become a moral, financial and strategic failure. The initial successes at the start of the 12th century had been largely due to the disunity prevailing in the Muslim world, but those same achievements eventually sparked an Islamic revival. Since the Muslims retook Jemsalem in 1187, the ultimate failure of subsequent Crusades reduced the Latin kingdoms in the Holy Land to some isolated fortresses, mainly on the Meditenanean coast. Logistically, the ability of Western states to launch Crusades to the East depended on relatively secure sea lanes. Before 1200, maritime trade routes and much of the adjacent coastline were held by the Byzantine Empire, but by 1204 Byzantium, rent by severe intemal divisions, was no longer a factor in sea power issues. Even then, however, Muslim naval power rested primarily on seaborne raiders and pirates, and was concentrated in Egypt. Consequently, remnants of the Latin states were able to hold on to some coastal territories. Towns such as Jaffa and Tyre re46 MILnARV HISTORY AUGUST 2005

mained to some extent under the control of Venetian and Mantuan commercial interests, protected by the military orders of the Hospitalers and the Templars. Even for Crusaders coming by land, those ports were vital. Launched by Pope Innocent III in 1202, the Fourth Crusade had come under the financial control of Venice, which redirected the Crusaders' efforts to seize the Adriatic port of Zara from Hungary and then involved them in Byzantium's political struggle, in a combined land and naval operation, during which the Venetian fleet established a blockade, the Crusaders took the Byzantine capital of Constantinople, deposed the sitting emperor and reinstalled their patron, Alexius IV, who had been usurped. When the Byzantines overthrew and killed the unpopular emperor, replacing him with Alexius V, the Crusaders besieged the city anew, taking and sacking it. The only real victors were the Venetians, who took what remained of the Byzantine Empire under their sway. Although few of its participants ever made it to the Holy Land, the Fourth CiTisade had a major impact in the Middle East. After 1204 the Muslims no longer had to face the threat of a Byzantine army to the norih. And the option of marching a Crusader army by land to the Levant was no longer viable—^maritime travel became the only reasonable option. Hoping to launch a new effort, the pope was determined to avoid the problems and pitfalls that caused the Fourth Crusade to collapse. Consequently, perhaps more than any other, the fifth was a papal Crusade. Innocent III, long considered one of the greatest of medieval popes, was certainly one of the most political. Organizing and strengthening papal power over the secular leaders

Above: Crusaders dressed in anachronistic 15th-century armor come ashore near Damietta in November 1219, in an illustration from Le Miroir Histohal, by Vincent de Beauvais. Opposite: Pope Honorius III inherited nominal command of the Fifth Crusade after Pope Innocent Ill's death on July 16, 1216. In practice, his control of the forces at his command proved illusory.

of Europe, he also used his religious authority to gather forces for recapturing the Holy Land. In addition to levying armies, the Vatican recruited cities or principalities that owned or controlled large naval contingents, partly through payment with money from donations and redemption of vows, and partly from indulgences, "not only to those who offer their own ships, but also to those who build them for this enterprise." Even so, various leaders, such as King Andrew II of Hungary and vari-

ous German and Frisian ports, hired their own fleets. Some Italian cities were reluctant to pi-o\ide ships due to a recent increase in trade with Egyptian ports in the Nile Delta. At that time most of the Western merchants in Egypt were representatives of Italian commercial concerns. For them, war, even a holy war, would be bad for business. Papal representatives enlisted the aid of kings, nobles and common people alike thioughout Christendom. Other legates AUGUST 2005 MILITARV HISrORY 47

A map of the Nile Delta from the Kitab-l-Bahriye (Book of Maritime Matters] includes the port of Damietta nearest the river's mouth in the north, with Lake Menzaleh to the east.

traveled to settle differences between factions and to promote peace. Innocent wanted the new Cmsade to be conducted under a unified Christian program that would encompass a concurrent range of policies to strengthen and reform the chui'ch.

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nnocent died in northern Italy on July 16, 1216, while working to settle a political dispute between Genoa and Pisa. Although his successor, Honorius III, was equally dedicated to the cause, Innocents actions at the time of his death betrayed the weakness under which the Crusade (and indeed all Crusades since the first) suffered. True unity was not possible among all the participants. 48 MILITARY HISTORY AUGUST 2005

Many who embarked for the Holy Land soon returned home, never considering themselves subject to any leader or militaiy necessity. Thus the various naval forces worked on their own timetables. The ships that were to meet at Sicily in June 1217 never arrived, though companies of French knights were ready for them. Venice was again induced to provide ships to transfer King Andrew II of Hungary fi"om Spalato, on the Dalmatian coast, to Acre. Duke Leopold of Austria and his contingent did not depart from Spalato until the middle of August, though Andrew's departure was delayed for two weeks by a shortage of shipping. About the same time. King Hugh of Cyprus arrived with a body of troops. The provinces of Cologne and Friesland contributed a large fleet of ships built "with great eagerness" by the "brave and warlike men of the provinces," wrote chronicler Roger of Wendover Before the arrival of the main body of their forces at Acre in May 1218, the Crusaders, under the leadership of John of Brienne, King of Jerusalem, spent the campaigning season operating against AyyTjbid forces in Syria. King John's original plan had been for a diversionary attack on Syria while launching a major sea assault against Egypt. Due to a shortage of troops and shipping, however, it was clear the Egyptian venture would have to wait, and the Syrian campaign became a separate action. But insufficient manpower and supplies, as well as an ongoing local famine, meant there was only a limited opportunity for success. The Crusaders' most debilitating weakness was their lack of discipline and unity. Though nominally in command. King John could not count on the obedience of many of his troops, who followed their ovm leaders. The Hungarians looked to Andrew, the Cypriots to Hugh and the Templars and Hospitalers to their own grand masters. The campaign devolved into almost aimless wandering in the provinces east of Galilee, searching for relics. A series of attacks on the Muslim stronghold of Mount Tabor were ineffective. After returning to Acre from a foray of his own in January 1218, King Andrew, claiming his vows fulfilled, returned to Hungary, marching through Asia Minor and Constantinople.

In March the chronicler Oliver of Paderbom related, "Ships began to sail to the port of Acre from the province of Cologne with other small ships from the province of Bremen and Trier." Actually, it was April when those ships arrived at long last h'om their winter in Portugal, where many of them had taken part in a siege of the fort of Alcatia (Alcacer). Leaming that the French Crusaders in Italy were also on their way, John held a strategic council. The king understood that military options in Palestine were limited, and that the aitemative target of Egypt, once recommended by King Richard I of England during the Third Crusade, was preferable. Egypt made strategic sense fora number of reasons. Muslim power in Palestine was strong, and any attempt to invade it

could jeopardize the Crusaders' communication with their supply bases on the coast. Driving the Muslims from the Nile Valley, however, would deprive them of their richest province and of any base for their fleet. Jerusalem could then be threatened by a pincer attack coming from Acre and Suez. The Crusadei-s believed Egypt was under weak political control and therefore \'ulnerable. Ruled by the xdceroy al-Kamil Muhammad al-Malik, son of the Ayyubid Sultan al-Adil Saif adDin, it was a growing commercial entrepot. While this was one of its attractions for the Crusaders, it was also the cause of dissension, since some Italian cities had established commercial relations with al-Kamil. By 1215, there were 3,000 European merchants in Egypt. Ironically, the same commercial benefits of capturing Damietta would later surpass in importance the ostensible aim of all Crusades—the return of the holy places.

the seashore and the bank of the river Nile." Late in the afternoon, the sails of the leaders' ships came into view. The CiTJsader camp was on the Damietta branch of the Nile Delta, about two miles upstream from the fortress city. The Franks built a wall on their side and dug out a defensive trench. Upstream, the city of Damietta stood on a narrow strip of land between the river and Lake Menzaleh to the east. It was well fortified, wilh three walls, 28 towers and a moat. Despite its strength, Damietta was chosen over Alexandria as the focus of the Westem attack for various reasons. It lay along the best line of attack and also offered the safest position in case the Crusaders were forced to retreat. It was smaller than Alexandria, but it was closer to Cairo and more accessible to the sea. It was clear that a successful siege required a land and waterbome attack. Damietta's most striking defensive feature was a tower on an island opposite the city walls, from which fter the airival of the various contingents, and notwith- stretched a bridge of boats and a giant iron chain to bar traffic standing the loss of Andrew and his Hungarians, John on the Nile. The tower would have to be taken, for the Cmof Bdenne's army embarked aboard the Frisian ships at saders' ships could not attack the city without passing the chain. This was evident even after a group of Frisians raided a Saracen flock. Wishing to pitch camp on the farther shore, they held their ground, fighting the Saracens who came out of the city to oppose them. Oliver of Paderbom noted, however, that they were finally recalled to the other side of the river to allow an attack on the tow er to proceed "because it did not seem wise to our leaders that a tower filled with pagans should be left behind the Christians." The draft of the Crusaders' ships proved to be too deep to negotiate the shallow water west of the tower Nor could the tower be approached from the east because of the bridge and the chain. In spite of those problems, the first assault An illustration from Matthew Paris' 1218 HIstona Major, showing Crusaders and Egyptians in battle came from two ships equipped by Duke Leopold of Austria outside of Damietta, gives a reasonably accurate picture of European armor of the time. and the Hospitalers with scaling ladders, and a third vessel Acre. With a north wind blowing, the first ships arrived off that had a small fortress set up on top of its mast. The ladders Damietta, at the mouth of the Nile, three days later That van- were directed against the tower, while trebuchets hurled stone guard waited another three days for the rest of the ships, in- projectiles at the tower walls. Thisfierceattack was violently recluding the one carrying King John, which were held back by pulsed. In Oliver's words: "The ladder of the Hospitalers was contrary' winds. Temporarily leaderless, the Crusaders elected shattered and crashed with the mast, hurhng its warriors headCount Simon of Saarbiiicken, who had traveled in a Rhenish long....But the ship of the Germans and Frisians cast anchor contingent, as the putative commander He decided to force a between the tower and the city, causing great losses to the Egyplanding and set up a camp on the west bank of the river. tians through its ballistae, which had been set up within, espeThe landing provoked a show of force. Oliver of Paderbom cially to those who were standing on the bridge that extended related that "a few Saracens advanced upon the knights at the between the city and the tower The ship itself, however, was harbor," where a Frisian struck a mounted warrior and killed being quite violently attacked by the warriors of the city, by the him. The others then lied, leaving their baggage behind, where- javelins of the tower and of the bridge, and by Greek fire. Fiupon "the Christians fixed the boundaries of the camp between nally it was seized upon by the fire; and although the Christians

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AUGUST 2005 MILITARY HISTORY 49

feared that it would be entirely destroyed, its defenders bravely hindered. At that point, though the Crusaders immediately set up a waterbome blockade, their army did not press the attack. extinguished the flames." The ship was brought back into position, but eventually the Had it done so, Damietta might easily have fallen. Morale within attackers were forced to retire. The Caisadei^ were afterward the city reached its low point, asrtimoi^sspread that news of more realistic about their chances for taking the tower. It "could the loss of the chain tower caused the death of the sultan alneither be captured by the blows of petraries or of trebuchets Adil. Nevertheless, the Muslims launched an attack uith armed (for this was attempted for many days); nor by bringing the fort galleys on the Cmsader camps, but it was repulsed with 1,000 closer, because of the depth of the river; nor by starvation, be- drowned, according to Oliver. cause of the surroundings of the city; nor by undermining, beJohn of Biienne, whose besieging force was weakened by the cause of the roughness of the water flowing about," wrote Oliver, loss of contingents returning to Europe, now decided to wait who himself had a hand in the new device that solved the prob- for reinforcements. Pope Honorius equipped and launched a lem. This involved binding two ships together "with beams and new fleet, headed by the papal legate. Cardinal Pelagius. Other ropes" to prevent drifting, then reinforcements were sent from raising "four masts and the England and France, yet the same number of sailyards, setopen lanes carried traffic in ting up on the summit a strong both directions at this time of fortress joined with poles and year. Many Frisians took ada network fortification." vantage of the lull to retum home before the fall weather The earlier assault, along confined them in Egypt until with attacks by the fleet on the the spring. The arrival of the Muslim ships, had weakened papalfleetin September, howthe bridge. But on the sixth ever, essentially left the Egyptday the Nile oveiflowed, and ian fleet upriver bottled up Oliver wrote that the Cruand powerless to stop the Crusaders were forced to drag the saders' reinforcements and renew siege engine "against the supply. toirent from the place in which it had been made, to Pelagius' arrival began a the tower. A smaller ship, a new phase of the Crusade. The companion of this machine, cardinal, assuming that he went along spreading its would take control by oi"der of sails." the pope, let it be known that the expedition would no Bucking the current, the longer answer to King John. Crusadersfinallymanhandled That proved to be a conthe assault tower into positentious act, even though tion, then flung ropes and anchors to secure it against the A 13th-century coin bears the portrait of John of Brienne, King of John's rule had not been universally respected. northem wall. A ladder fell Jerusalem. TTiough formally in charge of military operations onto the wall, but the Muslims dunng the Fifth Crusade, John found disunity in his army. Accoixling to Pelagius, action resisted fiercely, Oliver wrote, was the best remedy for the sending a shower of stones Crusader camp's weakness and and Greek fire at the attackei^ from "six or more machines" depressed morale. He ordered a series of assaults on the Muslim placed on the top of the city's towers. Fighting continued river defenses, employing large floating fortresses. Greek fire throughout the day and night, and the Greek fire seemed to and javelins thrown at the Crusaders manning the towers reOliver to come "from the city afar like lightning and was able pulsed the attacks. One ship, furiously attacked by barbots to inspire fear; but by sour liquid and gravel, and other means (small vessels whose decks were protected by arched leather roofs) with grappling irons, stones and fire, was eventually sunk, of extinguishing it, those who were toiling were aided." The defenders ignited the ladder with buming oil, and the drowning both the Cmsaders and the Egyptians who had weight of Crusaders sent to put out the flames caused the mov- boarded it. Encouraged by that costly \ictory, the Egyptians built another able bridge to sag at the edges. According to Oliver, the Muslims captured the Duke of Austria's banner and raised a cry of pontoon bridge that again seemed to stymie the Cmsaders' victory that caused the Christian fighters in the river below to riverbome attack. But an assault group of Frisians and Gerlose heart. But the attackers redoubled their efforts, and the mans, "fired with the zeal of righteous indignation," as Oliver ladder was again lifted to the wall. Even after that was over- described it, manned a small vessel that had been used to caprun, Egyptian soldiers defended the lower floors while the Cru- ture the tower: "Less than ten men...climbed the bridge in the saders pounded away at the walls. Finally, the next moming, face of all the hardihood of the Babylonians, with a great multhe last defenders Ilcd the tower, some jumping into the river. titude of Christians looking on... .They broke it down; and thus, with the four ships upon which the bridge had been founded, Damietta's outer defenses had been breached. In the flush of victory, the Crusaders destroyed the chain and they returned In triumph, leaving a way free and open for the bridge of boats, allowing theirflotillato sail up to Damietta un- ships sailing upward." 50 MILITARV HISTORY AUGUST 2005

Next the Eg>'ptians tried to block the Cmsaders' advance by sinking vessels in the river opposite their camp. That tactic also failed, and Pelagius urged an advance. Cmsader ships, "fortified by defenses and fortresses, and also by aimed men with galleys and other ships.. .escaped the sunken ships." When the Crusaders finally massed for an attack on the Muslim camp in Febraary 1219, ihey found it deserted. Rumors of a plot against him had compelled al-Kamil, now sultan after the death of his father, al-Adil, to retreat to the interior until he could be sure of his safety. While al-K.amil sent for his brother for support the Cmsaders assumed control of the eastem shore of theriver.They could now besiege Damietta from three sides. Although the swollen waterways and muddy conditions impeded the Egyptians' ability to take ad\ antage of their superior numbers, Damietta's hard-pressed defenders, with some support fiom alKamil's army, repulsed several large-scale attacks and bombardments. Those setbacks renewed dissension in the Cmsader leadership. While John advocated a continued tightening of the siege, Pelagius called for more attacks on the new Muslim camp. By then it was again the spring passage time. and in mid-May the Egyptians again attacked the Cmsader camp, ovemnning the ramparts raised by the Templars. The spring had brought a good number of reinforcements as well as desertions, however, and the Cmsadei^ routed the Egyptians.

left camp to return home, but new men arrived to take their places. In October al-Kamil offered peace terms. In retum for a Christian evacuation of Egypt, the Muslims would cede Jemsalem, central Palestine and the Galilee, as well as retuming the Tme Cross. The sultan's forces would only retain the castles of Oultrejourdain, even paving tribute for them. The Christians were on the verge of being granted all that they fought for, which would have assured naval mastery of the Eastem Mediterranean as well. Incredibly, Pelagius refused to deal with the infidel or to take on temis what was deemed holy and Christian land by the will of God. King John desperately advocated taking the deal, but

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t the end of August a new Another illustration from Matthew Paris' Historia Major shows Damietta under siege from the attack by a naval and land sea in 1219. The Muslims fought back against the Crusaders' floating fortresses with javelins, army against what Oliver Greek fire and small protected vessels called barbots. called "the camp of the Babylonians between the sea and the river" dislodged the Muslim forces. In their poorly conducted attempt Pelagius overmled him. The cardinal's decision had the support to pursue and destroy thefleeingEgyptians, however, Cmsadei-s of the Italian contingent, among others. Those commercial parbecame scattered and were then beset by irresolution as to ties had more interest in securing Damietta as a trading center whether to advance or retreat. than in annexing Jemsalem or inland tenitories. It is probable An Egyptian counterattack threw the overextended Christian loo that the lure of plunder from a captured Damietta was a forces into turmoil. Pressed on their flanks, about 100 knights strong inducement to many of the waniors. of Cypms retreated, starting a general rout that Pelagius and A few days after the rejection of the peace offer, on Novemthe patriarch of Jemsalem could not hold back. Accoi-ding to ber 5, the Cmsaders discovered that parts of Damietta's walls Oliver: "The heat of the sun was intense, the foot soldiers were were unmanned. A unit advanced and went over the walls with burdened with the weight of their arms. The difficulty of the little opposition. The scene they found shocked the hardest vetway increased the heat, and those who had brought wine with erans. Although there was still much food and treasure, only them drank it unmixed in the distress of their thirst because of 3,000 remained alive of the 80,000 people who had inhabited the lack of water." Only by great effort from John, the French the city before the siege. The rest had perished from disease. and English nobles and the military orders holding the rear of Following the fall of Damietta, the Fifth Cmsade entered a the disintegrating army was the Christian camp held. period of anticlimax, characterized by dissension and disinteThe Fifth Crtisade had reached its high-water mark al that gration. Division of the booty led to fighting in the streets, and point. Sometime in September, al-Kamil offered a tmce. Al- Pelagius had to redistribute the plunder to keep his Italian allies though Pelagius refused to discuss terms, he accepted the tmce. satisfied. Both sides repaired defenses and regi'ouped. More Cmsaders John of Brienne, disgusted with Pelagius' handling of the enAUGUST2005 MILITARY HISTORY 51

Christian forces, they were cut off and suiTounded. Al-Kamil simply flooded the Nile, cutting off the crusaders' access to the roads. The sultan's combined forces then surrounded them. Once the Crusadei-s lost the river, they lost the battle, the campaign and the Crusade. Isolated, with all their attempts lo send relief up the swollen rivers failing, the Cmsaders were forced to sue for terms. On July 24, they sent messengers to the sultan, who curtailed harassing attacks on them. Under al-Kamil's terms—rather generous under the circumstances— Damietta was relumed to the sultan, and the Cmsaders agreed to evacuate Egypt. Although the king of Jenjsalem, the duke of Bavaiia and other influential people remained as hostages, most Cmsaders were allowed to depart, many eventually making their way to Acre. From there they sailed homeward, with nothing to show for three vears of effort. ccording to Oliver of Paderbom, the Crusaders were not stopped by "the bow or the sword," but by "the flood of waters and the lack of food." But much of the conduct of the Fifth Crusade and its eventual failure stemmed fi om differences concerning questions of political and military control. The fact that the militarily inept Pelagius was able to set the strategic and political objectives A 15th-century illustration shows the Crusaders fighting their way into Damietta on led directly to ultimate defeat. The disasNovember 5,1219. By then, only 3,000 of the city's 80,000 inhabitants remained alivetrous final offensive was a classic illusthe rest had perished, mainly from disease. tration of an ill-advised, unsupported overextension, one that squandered the terprise, left the expedition to secure his threatened claim to Ar- Cnjsaders' naval superiority. Securing positions to cut off the Christian retreat and controlling the sluice gates, the sultan's inmenia. Many other Crusaders returned home as well. Pelagius and the remaining contingents held on to Damietta ferior naval forces were able to extract favorable terms by holdfor another year and a half, waiting for Holy Roman Emperor ing the Cmsaders hostage, even though Westem forces still conFrederick II to join them and signal a renewed advance. During trolled Damietta, the mouth of the Nile and the delta. that time, however, Pelagius' poor administration weakened the It is clear from the circumstances of the Fifth Cmsade that Cmsaders' position. His regulations restricting the movements Christian control of maritime supply lanes and the local waof ships and limiting arrivals and departures were widely re- terways of Egypt was not enough to conquer the territory. They sented. So was his decision to reject another Egyptian peace were, however, of great significance and were theoretically sufproposal. ficient to achieve the goals for which the Crusade was being Attacks on Westem outposts in Syria put added pressure on waged—the retum to Christian control of the lands of the Kingthe remaining Crusaders in Egypt to either advance toward dom of Jemsalem. It was a disconnect between the militarily Cairo, to draw Muslim forces from Syria or to retreat to defend possible and the politically and spiritually acceptable, as well the Cmsader territories. They decided to march on Cairo, set- as a perhaps inevitable disunity, that negated advantages the Christian fleets and armies had so \'igorously gained. MH ting out in May 1221. Continuously harassed but unable to engage the Egyptian army in decisive batUe, the Crusaders were lured into a trap. Douglas Sterling is a historian atid freelance writer from northThey advanced to a triangular spit of land bordered by two em Kentucky who has published works on the Seventh Crusade, branches of the Nile, where they were confronted by a defen- Julius Caesars army and the Hundred Years'War. Recommended sive stronghold at a site later knov\'n as Mansourah. There, they for further reading: Anatomy of a Crusade 1213-1221, by James were bottled up, unable to breach Egyptian defenses. When the M. Powell; and A History of the Crusades, Vol. 3: The Kingdom sultan sent ships through a little-used canal to the rear of the of Acre and the Later Crusades, hv Steven Runciman.

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52 MILITARY HISTORY AUGUST 2005

Battle of Bennington HOME WIN FOR THE NEW ENGLAND PATRIOTS The left prong of Lt. Gen. John Burgoyne s invasion of New York found itself caught up in a most costly sideshow. BY PIERRE COMTOIS

"M

y men, those are your enemies, the red coats and the Tories. We must conquer them, or tonight, Mollie Stark will be a widow!" So swore Brigadier General John Stark as he led his men across the shallow Walloomsac River, through a screen of Loyalist volunteers and on up the hill beyond, toward the British and GeiTnan defenders at its crest. Thus began the Battle of Bennington, where an army of unskilled, ill-armed fanners took on an opposing force of professional European soldiers, using a plan of attack any textbook-taught officer would have hesitated to even contemplate. The con&x)ntation at Bennington in mid-August 1777 came at a low point in the fortunes of the American colonists' struggle for independence from Britain. Although they had driven the British fi om Boston in March 1776, the rebels—oi- Patriots, depending on whose side one was on—had failed to seize Quebec, and a British invasion force under the overall command of Lt. Gen. Sir William Howe had overnjn Long Island and New York City and sent General Geoi^e Washington's Continental Army reeling south through New Jersey. Only Washington's winter victories at Trenton and Princeton had encouraged his troops to pei'severe in 1777. Ironically, events in America also were far from encouraging fi'om London's perspective. There were the heavy casualties at Bunker Hill, the subsequent evacuation of Boston and the repulse of British forces at Charlestown. Then there was the blunting of Canadian Governor-General Sir Guy Carieton's plan to invade New England at the Battle of Valcour Island and Howe's inertia in New York. All gave consternation to Lord Geoi^e Ger-

54 MILITARY HISTOKV AUGUST 20D5

On August 16,1777, Patriot militiamen from New Hampshire, Vermont and western Massachusetts overrun the ramparts of Dragoon Redoubt at the climax of The Battle of Bennington. in Don Troiani's painting (National Guard Heritage painting by Don Troiani, courtesy National Guard Bureau).

main, secretary of state for tbe Colonies. Witb such key cities as Montreal, Quebec and New York in British hands, how was it tbat a land of farmers and shopkeepers could still stymie tbe armies of tbe empire? The answer was unclear when, early in 1777, Carieton's second-in-command, Lt. Gen. John Burgoyne, presented Germain with a plan he had conceived nearly a year before. As it eventually developed, Burgovne's "Grand Strategy" would call for Howe to march his army north, up the Hudson River from New York, wbile Burgoyne marched south from Montreal to meet Howe at Albany, splitting tbe Thirteen Colonies in balf. Such a developments consquences were not lost on tbe Ameri-

cans, especially the New Englanders, who warned the Continental Congi-ess that British control of the river would cut off northern communication witb tbe southern colonies and give tbe British control of the Indians on New York's westem frontier. Pursuant to tbe Grand Strategy, Burgoyne arrived in Canada on May 6,1777, and began assembling an army of 7.863 British regulars, German mercenaries, Canadians and Indians. In spite of a huge supply train and more tban 130 brass cannons of various sizes, tbe force began moving south on schedule, and by June 30, tbe Britisb were in sigbt of Fort Ticonderoga. Although determined to figbt, Maj. Gen. Artbur St. Clair, the fort's comAUGUST2005 MILITARY HISTORY 55

Victorious militiamen carry the mortally wounded Brunswick Lt Col. Fhedricb Baum and Tory Colonel Franz Joseph Pfister to a nearby house after the battle. Baum could not speak Englisb and bad been completely ignorant of the terrain on wbich he would fight.

mander, was soon apprised of its unwise location when tbe Britisb managed to haul cannons atop nearby Mount Defiance. Tbis enabled them to bombard tbe fort at tbeir leisure. Reluctantly. Si. Clair ordered it abandoned on the nigbt of July 4. At fii'st Burgoyne gave cbase, leading to tbe campaign's fii"st pitcbed bailie (and the only one fought entirely on Vermont soil) at Hubbardton on July 7. Altbougb ultimately driven from tbe field with 41 dead, 96 wounded and 234 taken prisoner, the American rear guard inflicted 60 dead and 148 wounded on Brig. Gen. Simon Fraser's Redcoats and Maj. Gen. Friedricb Freihen- von Riedesel's Brunswick mercenaries. The New Englanders' success at holding up Fraser for an hour and tben evading his and Riedesel's pincers with 67 percent of their force intact impressed their adversaries—and was a portentous indication tbat Burgoyne was facing something more disciplined than a rebel mob. Burgome pushed on, driving tbe Americans from Forts Edward and George on July 31, but at last be called a bait to bring up bis supply train. Settling down in comfort at the bome of bis Loyalist political officer, Colonel Philip Skene, Burgowe was content to follow Skene's advice and built a road througb tbe surrounding forest toward Stillwater, tbe current position of Maj. Gen. Pbilip Scbuyler, commander of the Continental AiTny's Northem Department. Burgoyne's decision proved to be tbe Americans' salvation. While felling trees, flooding lowlands and buming crops slowed the British advance almost to a standstill, Schuyier organized skirmishing parties to hany the enemy flanks. 56 MILITARY HISTORY AUGUST 2005

As tbe situation in upper New York stabilized, tbe storm caused by St. Clair's abandonment of Fort Ticonderoga broke at last. New England, in a frenzy of fear over its now defenseless borders and distrustful of tbe New York general commanding its forces, was instmmental in baving Scbuyler sacked and replaced by Maj. Gen. Horatio Gates.

W

hile tbe Americans adjusted to a cbange in command, tbe British began to suffer from supply sbortages. Witb the land all around them laid waste and their closest depot at Fort George too far in tbe rear to do tbe army any good, Riedesel suggested to Burgoyne a raid toward the Connecticut River valley, where be had heard tbere were plenty of borees, carriages and cattle to be had. Skene liked tbe idea and added tbat there were plenty of Loyalists in tbe area, too, just waiting for the cbance to flock to Burgo\'ne's standard. Conwnced, Burgoyne—speaking in French, since Riedesel spoke no Englisb—expanded on the German's original idea, calling for a more extensive raid to sweep eastward toward Manchester, veer south toward Brattleboro and, from there, back west to meet the main body of bis army on its way to Albany. Those movements were far more than Riedesel had envisioned and made him neiA-ous; he had seen the fighting at Hubbardton and feared running afoul of Colonel Setb Launer's Americans that fai' from tbe main force. Nevertbeless, the optimistic Burgoyne was set on tbe plan. Because bis regiment was positioned on Burgoyne's left, Lt.

Col. Friedrich Baum, comBurgoyne's army. With tbe mander of tbe Brunsw ick Drapledge of John Langdon, the goons, was placed in charge of wealthy speaker of tbe New JOHN STARK'S C O M M A N D WOULD BE Hampsbire legislature, to tbe expedition. It was not a good cboice. Although be was offer bis fortune and credit to a good officer, Baum's training INDEPENDENT OF THE CONTINENTAL tbe state, autborization was in European-style combat and given to raise a brigade of ARMY AND CONGRESS. his inability to speak a word of militia. To command it, LangEnglish made him ill-suited don nominated local hero for American wildemess warJohn Stark. fare. Moreover, his draA veteran of Robert Rogers' goons—still wearing their heavy cavalry uniforms, boots and Rangers during the French and Indian War, Stark bad been a swords—were bardly prepared to marcb through tbe 20 miles colonel in the Continental Army and had seen action at Bunker of trackless forest and swamp tbat lay between tbem and their Hill, Montreal and Trenton. When be was passed up for progoal. Even so, with an 800-man force that included an assort- motion, however, he resigned bis commission and walked away. ment of 374 Gennan dragoons, grenadiers and Jdgers, Baum Back on bis farm, be still burned witb patriotic fen'or, and wben could at least depend on the experience of Captain Alexander called by tbe legislature he responded eagerly—witb one proFraser, wbo commanded about 50 Britisb marksmen; and he viso: His command would be independent of" tbe Continental would have tbe less reliable knowledge of more than 300 Army and Congress. His terms were met, and his commission Queens Loyal Rangers, commanded by tbe Loyalist Lt. Col. as a brigadier general was signed on July 17. With tbat, Jobn Peters of Bradford, Vt., as well as a contingent of Canadi- Hezekiab Hutchins, a state delegate from Concord, immedians and nearly uncontrollable Mohawk Indians. In addition, be ately departed for bis bometown and rode all nigbt, arriving brought along two 3-pounder cannons and their crews, ser- on Sunday. Bursting into the meetinghouse, be gave the news, vants, the regimental band and some female camp followers. after wbicb all the men got up and followed bim out. On Colonel Skene also accompanied him to recruit Loyalists. Monday Captain Hutchins had a compiete company outfitted To pi-epare for his own push down the Hudson, Bui-go\Tie bad begun assembling bis forces at Fort Miller, about eight miles south of Fort Edward, witb Brigadier Simon Fraser's corps in tbe lead. Baum's force was right bebind, and on August 11, be was ready to move out when Burgoyne came riding up with a change in plans. It seemed a Tor>' officer had reported the presence of gieat amounts of stores, horses and cattle at Bennington, a small village near tbe Walloomsac River, guarded by only 300 or 400 rebels. Tbat revision compelled Baum to move farther south than originally intended and made Riedesel even more ner\'ous about the whole operation. Nevertheless, Baum had bis orders and confidently led bis men into the dense New England forest. His dismounted cavalwmen were notoriously slow walkers, and tbe day's higb temperatures made for even slower progress. Moving east, Baum covered only four miles along the cmde road that led to the mouth of tbe Battenkill River, where be made camp. Wbile Baum's regular troops moved with careful deliberation, bis Indian allies ranged in all directions, spreading teiror and alami throughout tbe countryside. Soon woid of Baum's approach reached evei"y town and farm in tbe area. That, coupled with recent news of the death of Jane McCrea, a young Loyalist woman killed and scalped by the Indians, instilled a fierce determination among the local citizenry to resist the invaders. Tbe new state of Vermont (formerly tbe New Hampsbire Grants, the disputed territorv' west of the Connecticut River) bad hurriedly convened its Committee of Safety some weeks before. The states only military unit. Colonel Seth Wamer's Green Mountain Boys, had recently been bloodied at Hubbardton, and a plea was sent to neighboring New Hampsbire for more troops. New Hampshire had hardly been idle since the fall of Fort Ticonderoga and the ominous advance of

and on the way to meet Stark. By the end of tbe fii-st week, Stark bad 1,492 officers and men—10 percent of New Hampsbire's registered voters—under aims. Without waiting for all of his militiamen to assemble. Stark started groups of 100 off for Manchester, wbere Warner was waiting. Aniving on August 9, Star k intended to waste no time befoi-e finding and harassing Burgoyne's army. A temporary hurdle was waiting for him, bowever, in the overweight form of Maj. Gen. Benjamin Lincoln, sent tbere by Schuyier witb orders to dispatch all available men to him. Lincoln's higher rank did not impress Stark, wbo waved his commission under the Continental general's nose and told bim that his only loyalty was to the people of New Hampshire. Rather tban chailenge Stark, Lincoln wisely agreed to bis plan to barass Bui^oyne's left flank. Wbile Stark moved on to Bennineton, Lincoln rode back to Lieutenant General John Burgoyne's "Grand Strategy" called for simultaneous British thrusts from Canada and New York to seize Albany, control the Hudson River and cut tbe rebelling colonies in two.

AUGUST 2005 MILITARY HISTORY 57

Battle of BcnntiwtDn Aujust 16,1777 '.

• • BHtisIi and Go-man Aiii«ricaii Patriots

While Baum took a defensive stance against Brig. Gen. Jonathan Stark's converging militiamen, Burgoyne dispatched a relief force of 650 Brunswick troops under Lt Col. Friedrich Breymann on August 15-too late, as it turned out.

Schuyler and convinced him to follow Starks strategy. "Seldom has such rank insubordination produced such excellent results," a histonan later wrote of the incident, which chanced to place Stark and his brigade at the right place at the right time to perhighly beneficial sewice to the Patriot cause. eanwhile, after resting his men for two days, Baum covered the next 16 miles in 12 houi^ and smprised a detachment of militia at the small Vemiont town of Cambridge, where he captured eight of them, as well as a handful of carts and wagons. He was too late to stop the Mohawks from killing or driving off the few horses in the vicinity, but information gleaned from his prisoners confirmed that there was a rich store of supplies in Bennington. However, it was now guarded by some 1,500 men. Undaunted, Baum sent a message back to Burgoyne telling him of his detemiination to press forward. Later that day, Stark received news of marauding Indians in the Cambridge area and dispatched about 200 men there to scout them out. The next moming, August 14, Baum crossed the watershed between the Battenkill and Hoosicrivereand reached Sancoick's Mill. There, he encountered Starks detachment, which fired a volley at his troops from the forest before pulling back. The Americans' retirement was made easier by Eleazer Eggerton and two friends, residents of Bennington, who stayed behind under fire to demolish St. Luke's Bridge over Little White Creek.

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58 MILITARY HISTORY AUGUST 2005

That afforded the scouts time to fall back two miles to meet Stark and the lest of his volunteers at a ford on the Walloomsac. Upon learning that Baum's regulars were coming up behind the Indians, Stark immediately sent word back for Wamer in Manchester to bring up his men. Baum, his confidence rising with the Americans' retreat and word from more prisoners confirming Stark's presence in Bennington. informed Burgoyne of his intention to strike the rebel force early the next moming. By early afternoon the bridge had been repaired and Baum's troops streamed across to pursue Stark's detached rear guard. At that point, however, the two main forces came in sight of one another at the Walloomsac. Stark quickly deployed his men, but battle was postponed when Baum inexplicably decided to take up a defensive position. The frustrated New Englanders were forced to watch as the Germans and British settled down atop a hill centered on Walloomsac Farm. After some late-day skirmishing in which the Americans claimed more than 30 enemy dead. Stark pulled his men back about a mile or so to camp for the night. Both commandei-s laid plans for the next day's action, which would highlight theii-different tactical philosophies. August 15 was marked by a heavy downpour. With combat again postponed. Stark refined his plans. On the night of the 14th, Baum had stationed about 150 men on the far side of St. Luke's Bridge, apparently holding it for some offensive use. The growing number of rebels in the sun'ounding forest seems to

"My men, those are your enemies, the red coats and tbe Tories," went one variation on what Stark's men beard him say, "We must conquer tbem, or tonigbt Mollie Stark will be a widow!"

bave given bim second tbougbts, bowever, and tbat nigbt be sent Burgovne a note requesting reinforcements. In addition to tbe Tories Baum bad placed on tbe soutb side of tbe shallow Walloomsac, tbe nortb side of tbe bridge was guarded by balf of bis Bmnsw ick infantiy and some of Captain Fraser's Canadians, witb one of tbe 3-pounder cannons. A smaller bill rose about a balf mile to tbe southeast, wbere more of Fraser's men struggled in tbe mud and rain to dig trencbes and build a breastwork of fallen trees—too far away from tbe men bolding the bridge to give tbem any real support. More Tories and Canadians occupied a scattering of cabins along tbe billside. At tbe top of tbe bill Baum situated bis main defensive works, later called the Dragoon Redoubt by tbe Americans. Tbere, bebind more trencbes and log breastworks prepared tbrougbout tbe rainy IStb, were more tban 200 dragoons and Britisb marksmen, supported by tbe otber cannons. Fifty Jdgers were positioned fartber down along tbe river, covering tbe bridge but out of sigbt of tbe main redoubt. More tban 50 Gennan infantn/ and Tories were in tbe open along tbe road leading back to Sancoicks Mill. Finally, all tbe Indians were placed on a plateau in tbe rear under tbe doubtful command of La Come de St. Luc, ostensibly protecting Baum's flanks. Broken up into sucb small units and scattered ovei- nearly a square mile, Baum's 800 men were in tbe worst possible position to mount an effective defense or lend eacb otber mutual support and communication. In contrast, Stark's plans were a model of recklessness designed to take advantage of Baum's caution witb a force now grown to almost 2,000 men. As soon as dawn broke on tbe 16tb, Colonel Moses Nichols would lead a detacbment of New Hamp-

sbire volunteers tbree miles to tbe rigbt to bit tbe Dragoon Redoubt in tbe flank. At tbe same time. Colonel Samuel Henick would take bis 300 Bennington militia and Vermont Grangers to tbe left, cutting tbe Cambridge road and flanking the redoubt from tbat quarter. Finally, Stark's center would consist of Colonel David Hobart on tbe left and Colonel Tbomas Stickney on tbe right, eacb witb 200 men at bis disposal, and a central force of 100 men to strike tbe Tories at tbe bridge. Stark and his men would wait bebind tbe front until Herrick and Nicbols opened tbe action and Stickney and Hobart distracted the enemy front. He tben would lead tbe main attack across tbe Walloomsac, up the bill and into tbe Dragoon Redoubt. It was an ambitious plan, but one tbat would be aided by Baum's mismanagement of bis resources and not a little luck. Meanwbile, Burgoyne bad received Baum's request for help on the 15tb, and dispatched a 650-man Brunswick advance corps under Lt. Col. Friediicb Breymann. Tbe overdressed Germans bad left for Bennington early tbat moming, making a brave effort to cover tbe 25-mile distance tbrough the pouring rain. At the same time, Warner bad received Stark's appeal to hurrv bis men on to the Walloomsac. Because of olber patrolling duties be could not get tbem assembled quickly, and once tbey got undeiway tbe rain slowed tbe Vermonters as mucb as it did tbe Braunscbweigers. Hastening abead of bis troops, Warner managed to join Stark in time to take part in tbe following day's action. Tbe rain continued into tbe nigbt. Although it kept most of tbe combatants in camp. Stark managed to field a number of skirmisbers wbo scouted Baum's positions and wbose interAUGUST20D5 MILfTARY HISTORV 59

to a post and uttered bis mittent barassing fire bit two famous challenge to bis men. Indian chiefs. In addition, With a hurrah, bis men Americans began appearing 'THOUGH HIS BAYONET WAS IN dasbed after him, and in a along Baum's picket lines with blind spot at tbe base of tbe pieces of wbite paper stuck in MY BODY I FELT REGRET AT BEING hill where tbe enemy in the retbeir hats and tbeir muskets doubt could not see tbem due clubbed in the European style OBLIGED TO DESTROY HIM.' to tbe steep grade, tbey fell on of surrender, pretending that the retreating Tories and they were Loyalists who Canadians. In tbe sbort, bitter wanted to join the British army. struggle between neighbors Told by Burgoyne and Skene that followed. Loyalist Lt. Col. John Peters encountered an old to expect such "cooperation," Baum naively ordered his pickets in and, mucb to the horror of bis officers, allowed the Ameri- childhood scboolmate. Patriot Captain Jeremiah Post. "Peters, you damn Tory, now I have got you," sbouted Post as he rusbed cans to occupy tbe empty spaces within his own lines. Peters and drove his bayonet into his side. Peters, who could s tbe rain ended on tbe moming of August 16, Baum re- stillfirehis gun, later said, "Though his bayonet was in my body ceived word of Breymann's approach and sent Colonel I felt regret at being obliged to destroy bim." Fire-breathing, gun-toting Parson Thomas Allen hopped on Skene back to buny him along. As Stark's troops began leaving their camp to make tbeir way to their assigned positions, a tree stump and tried to encourage his Loyalist neighbors to Baum could see their every move from the top of bis bill. Un- defect to the Patriot side, only to hear a shout of "There's Pai-son concerned as he was with tbe enveloping movement or tbe com- Allen, let's pot bim," followed by a sbower of lead. Soon, bowings and goings of the newly arrived Loyalists he tbougbt bad ever, Stark's troops had cleared tbe base of the bill and tbe coljoined his ranks, Baum must bave been surprised when a shot lection of cabins around tbe lower redoubt and began tbeir rang out about midaftemoon, killing one of his officers. Tbe climb to tbe summit. American attack was to have begun when Nichols' and Herrick's Meanwhile, Nichols' and Herrick's men had stampeded the men met at tbe rear of tbe bill, but tbe unexpected sbot—tra- Indians, who fell back on Baum's position and then fled the field ditionally believed to have been fired by Jacob Onderkirke of entirely. Tbe two flanking groups began to merge witb tbe men Hoosick^started tbe battle early. who bad infiltrated Baum's lines earlier and advanced steadily Upon hearing the shot, the Americans who bad infiltrated the toward tbe Dragoon Redoubt. As Baum saw the converging Anglo-German positions leveled tbeir muskets and began firing columns coming fiTim all directions, his soldiers concentrated at will, creating havoc as Nichols' and Heirick's troops closed tbeir efforts to make a heroic stand. Supported by their one rein on tbe reverse sides of tbe Dragoon Redoubt. In the front, tbe maining uncaptured cannon, Fraser's red-coated marksmen Tories and Canadians guarding tbe bridge loosed a sweeping and Baum's Bmnswick troops put up fierce resistance against volley at tbe approaching rebels while the tbree cannons thun- their equally deteimined assailants. Suddenly, a thunderous exdered in support. Tbe moment the defenders paused lo reload, plosion rent tbe air as a British ammunition cart blew up, and however, the Americans rushed their positions, throwing them in a final rush the rebels stormed tbe ramparts of the redoubt. Figbting at close quarters, neither side spared musket butt, into a panicked retreat across the river. As his forward detachment continued its assault over the bridge. Stark bimself fol- sword or knife, but ultimately the outnumbered Germans and lowed closely wdtb the balance of his army, some 1,200 troops. British eitber fell wbere they stood or tumed back. Realizing Reaching tbe bridge. Stark dismounted, tied his brown mare tbe bopelessness of the situation and tbat Breymann would not reach bim in time, Baum ordered bis officers and remaining men to cut their way through tbe Americans. Soon afterward, Baum fell mortally wounded witb a musket ball in tbe stomach. At tbat point bis troops either suiTendered or fought tbeir way to tbe nearby forest.

A

Some desultory firing from back along the Cambridge road, wbere Breymann vvas brushing off roving parties of Americans wbo had been pursuing Baum's survivors, warned tbe rebels of the approaching tbreat. An alarmed Stark ordered bis exultant men to reassemble.

When a British ammunition cart exploded, the rebel militia swarmed over tbe ramparts of Dragoon Redoubt, figbting hand to band. 60 MILrrARY HISTORV AUGUST 2005

but it proved difficult, since some had discovered liquor among the plitnder tbey found in tbe captured redoubt. The arrival of Wamer's fresh regiment of Green Mountain Boys, bowever, galvanized Stark's men w ith the prospect of anotber victorv. Leaving tbe captured cannons bebind—Stark was the only one wbo knew how to use them—tbe Americans moved off to meet tbe new enemy force. Breymann bad reached Sancoick's Mill wben be met Colonel Skene at about 4 p.m. Tbe fighting at tbe Dragoon Redoubt bad readied its peak, but because of the phenomenon of acoustic sbadow, the Brunswick troops beard nothing until some of Baum's men stumbled from tbe woods, filled with conflicting stories Stark directs the pursuit of Breymann's column wbile some of his men round up wbat would of tbe battle. Convinced by tbe amount to more tban 700 prisoners to cap a remarkable victory for tbe Patriot cause. optimistic Skene and bis own confidence in European amis, Breymann decided to move on, continually stopping bis tired, Nigbt fell at last, and tbe running figbt petered out as Stark, overbeated men on the march to redress tbeir lines. fearing his men would be more of a threat to eacb otber tban Soon Skene spotted groups of Lt. Col. Samuel Saffords Ver- to tbe enemy in the darkness, reluctantly ordered a halt to the mont Rangers as tbey scouted tbe advancing column from a chase. Although be bad been sbot in tbe leg, and bis clotbing wooded ridge on the nortb side of the road. Tbinking tbey might was riddled witb bullet boles, Breymann personally combe Loyalists, Skene rode out and hailed them: "Are you for King manded tbe rear guard and succeeded in getting two-thirds of George?" Tbey replied with a scattering of shots that killed his bis men safely to Cambridge. borse and drove him back to tbe Gennan lines. Breymann agCheated though Stark felt of achieving complete victory, be gresively ordered an immediate advance. As his men fired tbeir and his untrained citizen soldiers had won a gi^eat one. At a cost muskets and trained tbeir cannons on tbe Americans, Safford of about 30 men killed and 40 wounded, tbey had killed 207 ordered a retreat until he was able to rejoin tbe rest of Wamer's professional soldiers and captured more than 700. Witb tbe regiment and Stark's scattered troops on a nearby rise. Brey- decimation of Baum's and Breymann's forces, Burgoyne had mann's troops were rigbt behind him, and upon encountering been stripped of a good portion of bis army. Tbat, coupled witb tbe main rebel force they tried to circle around the American the repulse of Lt. Col. Barry St. Leger's westem force at Fort right. Wamer bad mucb tbe same idea as he moved half his regi- Stanwi.x two weeks earlier, made bis final defeat at Saratoga in ment to his left, trving to flank the Brunswick corps' rigbt, while October almost inevitable. using Stark's men to extend his own right and check tbe enemy's In tbe meantime, tbe victors at Bennington celebrated the flanking movement. end of their private war, still independent of tbe Continental By dusk botb forces bad spread tbemselves out as far as tbey Army and Congress. Tbeir captives were paraded througb the could go and began excbanging musket volleys in earnest. As streets of Bennington to the hoots, hollerings and rustic cmdiGeiman ammunition began to run low, bowever, tbeir cannons ties of its citizens. fell silent, (beir musket fii'e became intermittent and Breymann Colonel Baum was carried from tbe field by tbe Americans, ordered a withdrawal. Perceiving their enemies' predicament, but be died of his wounds soon after and was buried along the tbe Americans pressed tbem. Forced to abandon bis cannons, road to Bennington. As for Jobn Stark, upon retuming to the Breymami managed an orderly retreat at firsl, but tbe New Eng- bridge over tbe Walioomsac he found that bis brown mare and landers, with plenty of ammunition left, soon resorted to tbeir saddle had been stolen by some "sly, artful, designing" cbaracspecialty—barassing tbeir retiring foes from tbe cover of nearby ter; a month later, be was still advertising for tbeir retum. MH woods. Ultimately, tbe German formations disintegrated, as some Braunschweigers tried to surrender wbile othere were cut For further reading, Lowell, Mass-based writer Pierre Comtois down. Breymann ordered a dmmroll, signifying a request to recommends: The Battle of Saratoga, by Rupert Fumeaux; and parley, but the backwoods farmere were not versed in European The Spirit of 'Seventy-Six, by Henry Steele Conimager and military etiquette and continued firing. Richard B. Morris. AUGUST 2005 MILITARY HISTORY 61

R EV I E The last siege of Constantinople by the Ottoman Turks drew the line between East and West. By Thomas Zacharis

remind todays readers of how significant Constantinople's fail vvas, marking as it did tbe fall of the medieval Greek empire and tbe beginning of a new era.

\U U 5 3 : THE HOLY WAR for Constantinople and the Clash of Islam and the West

(Hyperion Books, New York, 2005, $25.95), Roger Crowley, teacher of Englisb in Istanbul and educational publisher for Nelson Thomes in Cheltenham, England, takes on the ambitious task of describing the last siege of Constantinople by tbe Ottoman Turks, a topic of renewed interest because of the rise of Muslim fundamentalism, tbe teiTorist attacks on Manhattan and tbe Pentagon on September 11, 2001, and tbe American invasions of Afghanistan and Iraq. Tbe autbor places considerable weigbt for tbe sieges outcome on the pei'sonalities of tbe opposing rulers. Ottoman Sultan Mehmet II was full of contradictions—a military genius who transfomied warfare in the course of the campaign by introducing artillery preparation, ultraheavy guns, bowitzers, tbe organization of cannons into batteries and tbe remarkable transfer of an entire fleet to the Golden Hom by moving his ships overland. At tbe same time, be vvas merciless and unreliable in keeping his oaths. Crowley presents Byzantine Emperor Constantine XI Paleologus as a tragic figure, whose determination to unite the Eastem and Westem Christian churcbes isolated bim from both his people and tbe Greek aristocracy. Could Constantinople have been saved? Crowley believes that if there had been 6,000 defenders in tbe Gate of Romanus instead of only 2,000, the defense would not have collapsed—but there vvere only 8,000 soldiers defending tbe entire city. Tbere were otber factors bebind Constantinople's doom to wbich Westem writers bave paid little attention, sucb as the treaty between Hungary and Turkey, which, among otber tbings, put the former's artillei"y expertise at Mehmet's disposal. Anotber problem was tbe fact tbat tbe old Rome was still unable to rec62 MILITARY HISTORY AUGUST 2005

THK HOLY WAR.o.CONSTANTlNOI-Le ««nT)U CLAliH •.' ISLAM .NI>TH£ WliST

ROGI R CROWMV

Cultured Force: Makers and Defenders of the French Colonial Empire, by Bamett Singer and John Langdon, University of Wisconsin Press, Madison, 2004, $45. The dirtiest word in geopolitical and historical discourse is "empire," shorthand in these enlightened days for the political, social and economic subjugation of entire nations and races for tbe benefit of relatively few. In Cultured Force: Makers and Defenders of the French Colo-

oncile with the new Rome—even in its deatb throes, the Byzantine Empire jealously guarded its status as the center of the Chi"istian world by eschewing Westem European assistance. There were numerous consequences of Constantinople's fall. It became the base from which tbe Turks would extend tbeir conquests to Greece, the Balkans and most of Eastem Europe, cutting all tbose regions off from exposure to tbe Renaissance. Russia v\'ould eventually replace Byzantium as tbe center of Orthodox Christianity. Even as Ottoman subjects, however, tbe Greeks and tbe surviving Ortbodox Cburcb clung to the dream of regaining the eastern Roman imperial capital. Crowleys narrative draws considerably on the writings of some 55 chroniclers of the time, especially those inside the city; such as adviser George Sfrantses or the Venetian surgeon Nicolo Barbaro (wbose viewpoint is perceivably pro-Venetian). Tbe result is an enthralling book tbat will

}iial Empire, Bamett Singer of Brock University and John Langdon of Le Moyne College argue that while empire certainly had its dark side, its builders were sophisticated men who balanced admiration for their subject peoples witb an occasionally brutal band to tbose wbo tbreatened imperial stability. To make their case they profile Thomas Robert Bugeaud, Louis Leon Faidherbe, Joseph Simon Gallieni, Louis-Hubert-Gonzalve Lyautey, Marcel Bigeard and a host of otber figures wbo seized as what Singer and Langdon refer to as Frances imperial "proconsuls." The authors are certainly skilled in crafting their narrative, essentially a series of biograpbical studies. They argue convincingly tbat the proconsuls often strove to fight corruption, slavery and internecine warfare and imported modernity such as healtb care and education, and tbey are quite coirect to point out tbat tbese nations and peoples were troubled long before the French flag was raised. Where former French colonies continue to experience difficulties, the authors ask how long France can continue to be blamed for tbe situation. Continued on page 73

P E R S O N A L I T Y Politically naive but militarily audacious, Giuseppe Garibaldi forged a united, modern Italy. By Peter A. Robertson

Garibaldi and his wife Rosa (nee Raimondi), Giuseppe Garibaldi was an active child in a time of social, economic, religious and political ferment stirred up by the radical principles emanating from revolutionary France. Although only 5 feet 7 inches tall. Garibaldi had a striking, athletic presence, enhanced by his long beard and long blond hair Young Giuseppe came to cmbrace the idea of a unified Italy at a time when the country was divided in many segments partly ruled by France and Austria. First, however, the restless 17-year-old sought adventure serving aboard a merchant ship in 1824. He acquired a knowledge of seamanship that was to stand him in good stead during his later military campaigns. During those years, too. Garibaldi was increasingly drawn to the leftist ideology espoused by Giuseppe Mazzini, the guiding light of La Giovine Italia, the political movement organized early in the 19th century to lay the foundation of the newly unified nation. Radically anticlerical and antimonarchist, the nationalist "Young Giuseppe Garibaldi, here portrayed by Giovanni Italy" movement had great Bergamaschi. gained international renown as Italy's appeal for men of action such revolutionary man of action. as Garibaldi. If Garibaldi had a weakness, however, it was his disdain for deep ideological dogma and a military career, to undertake perhaps the consequent lack of political smarts. He most audacious expedition of the 19th was, in fact, to best serve the Risorgicentury. Giuseppe Garibaldi, leading unmento movement as a sort of latter-day trained, poorly armed volunteers, sought Cincinnatus, going into self-imposed exile to overcome the 25,000 Royal Bourbon on the small, rocky island of Caprera after troops of Francis II, Bourbon king of the every campaign, retuming only when he Two SiciHes, and join the southern half of was called back to arms. Itcily, including the island of Sicily, with the northem half. Fired with revolutionary ardor, Bom on July 4, 1807, in Nice, France, Garibcildi joined the Royal Piedmontese to working-class parents Domenico navy in 1833, partly to spread the gospel

ON MAY 11, I860, MORE than 1,000

armed men alighted upon the far westem shores of Sicily at the little port of Marsala, led by a man instantly recognizable to millions of Europeans. He was clad simply, in gray trousers, red shirt and kerchief, poncho, sombrero and saber. He had come, after an already spectacular

64 MILITARY HISTORV AUGUST 2005

of Young Italy among its ranks in preparation for a coming revolution. The revolution never materialized, and the 27year-old naval officer, already afflicted with the rheumatism that would dc^ him for the rest of his life, was forced to flee to South America in 1834. There he spent the next 12 yearsfightingon water and on land in the service of the various republics that sprang up to cast off the waning Spanish yoke. Along the way, he acquired his trademark mode of dress— baggy trousers, red shin, poncho, kerchief and sombrero. He also married a Brazilian criolla, Anna Rebeiro da Silva, with whom he had four children. He was not particularly faithful to her—or to any other woman—but long after Anna's death he cherished her memory. GARIBALOi RETURNED TO Italy in 1849.

He had suffered much hardship, several wounds and poverty, but he had honed his innate ability to lead men in combat. His homecoming coincided with the European revolutions of 1848-49, during which Italian revolutionaries drove the reactionary Pope Pius IX from Rome. Alarmed by the revolution and anxious to gain both land and prestige in Italy, both the young Austrian Emperor Franz Josef and the newly elected French President Louis Napoleon (soon to be Emperor Napoleon m) sent troops to northem and central Italy. On April 30, 1849, the French army lay siege to Rome. There were initially hardly 3,500 men under arms to defend the Eternal City, but more trickled in, including Garibaldi and about 500 of his soon-to-be-famous "Red Shirts." The revolutionary high command gave Garibaldi and his men, some 2,500 eventually, responsibility for defending the line of the villas Corsini and Pamphili, to the west. His troops ranged from pix)fessionai papal soldiers who had Continued on page 70

P E R S P E C T I V E S When Chinese troops fired on two Gloster Meteors at Chongdan, the Australians made them regret it. By Pete Middleton

Personnel of No. 77 Squadron, Royal Australian Air Force, pose before one of their Gloster Meteors at Kimpo Air Base, South Korea, in 1953.

CLOUDS HUNG in a dismal canopy at 15,000 feet on an evening in April 1953, waiting to drop snow across the South Korecin countryside. Two Gloster Meteor jets landed at Kimpo Air Base, designated K-14 by United Nations forces defending the south from invasion by Communist North Korea and its Chinese "volunteer" allies. From their cockpits emerged the commanding officer (CO) of No. 77 Squadron, Royal Australian Air Force (RAAF), Wing Gammander Ron Susans, and his wingman, Flight Serjeant Ken Towner Both pilots had just retumed from a reconnaissance of upcountiy North Korea. On these ad hoc missions, the CO carried eight standard 60-pound high explosive rockets, and loaded explosive shells into his four 20mm cannons in preference to the standard mixture of solid ball, tracer and I-in-10 explosive rounds. With them, he would clobber targets of opportunity, a lone and very aggressive ranger Susans breasted the club bar, red marks etched across the bridge of his nose and down his cheeks like thin scars, indicating where the oxygen mask had 66 MILITAKV HISTORY AUGUST 2005

cut tight, and his black, smooth hair flattened from his helmet. Ken Towner had pale, smooth skin, slick dark hair and was shorter than most of the other pilots. His serious demeanor was often and surprisingly punctuated by spontaneous, hearty laughter that made his brown eyes gleam and his shm body shake with mirth. He looked like he should still be in high school, which he had attended only a few years before. But he had seen more life in the previous two months than most people were likely to see in two lifetimes. He had flown more than 50 combat missions so far. Toying with a glass of Coca-Cola, the CO shook his head and said: "Jeez. Some bloody flak in that village, Junior" "Yeah," Towner agreed. "Sheets of it," the CO said, laughing tersely. "Coming from every angle." Susans was just warming up as the whole bar paused to listen. "We were just flying over," he said. "Didn't even notice the village. Then some stupid gook gave the game away by shooting at us. What a dumb ox." "You had a bash at 'em?" asked the

senior flight commander. Squadron Leader Bill Bennett. The CO flashed a smile worthy of Clark Gabie. "You bet, and were they angry!" He shook his head and laughed incredulously. "See any vehicles. Junior?" "No, sir," Towner replied. "I was too hloody busy d
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bunch we're mixed up with tonight," one remarked, then they tumed back to the bar with the disgruntled Aussies who had missed out on the action. I RACED TO MY TE^^' and dragged on my

dirty flying suit, clammy and cold with stale sweat. "What the hell's going on?" asked Phil, my tent mate, looking up from writing a letter. "A bash," 1 gasped as I wrestled on my gear. "CO's just organized it." Then I dashed for the door, still doing my zips, while Phil slowly shook his head. We bounced away in jeeps across the mud and tire ruts to the flight line, then loped to our aircraft, our heavy survival gear jackets thumping against our ribs. The usual exception was Flight Lt. Wai Rivers, who we'd yet to ever see mnning, but he made it just the same. American ground crewmen nearby, preparing their Douglas B-26 Intruders for night missions, stared as eight Meteors taxied past, then catapulted into the sky. Chongdan was 10 minutes' hard flying time away as we skirted to the north at 15,000 feet. The blood-red sun was on the horizon when Susans called, "Attack positions," then swung southward so we could fall into loose line astern. I could see the village now. The main road from Haiju dissected a jumble of huts clustered around the intersection, with a secondary track from the north. The suiTounding countryside was flat and smudged with paddy fields. An overlay of mist and smoke hung in the still air. "One diving," the CO called bixisquely, and plummeted down. As the last to dive, 1 waited, a spectator in the high bleachers, watching a game of life and death. The CO's rockets exploded blackly in the jumbled buildings. That really stirred things up. Someone in the village pulled tbe flak switch, and it suddenly showered upward like rain in reverse. In the gathering gl(»m, every bullet streaked r^I, awii^ me so much I forgot to be frightened. The Meteors dived in rapid routine. Attack calls came as regularly as the rockets ci^ashing into the village. Still, the sheets of small-arms fire showered blindly upward, even through our rocket bursts. A portion of it switched direction, concentrating on one gyrating Meteor. I drifted outward in the upper circle, waiting my turn, and I began to sweat. "I'm last in," 1 thought to myself. "Ill cop the lot!" Then the Communists' 37mm guns started up. I saw two darker, slower flashes between some buildings and the shells

bursting in greasy balls, just clear of Bill Bennett's tail. The No. 6 pilot yelled "Flak!" though it was obvious, and Bennett answered, "Roger," far too nonchalantly. My mouth suddenly felt dry. It was a duel—Bennett and the flak guns! Bennett fired his cannons, but they didn't stop the gunners. He weaved harshly as he screamed in toward the target. He steadied quickly, and a line of bursting flak shells again crept on his tail. His rockets zipped, and he skidded viciously to one side, escaping the mesh of hot steel trying to ensnare him. Then his rockets hit slap in the center of the two flak guns, and they were lost in an eruption of debris. Before I knew it, Nos. 6 and 7 were diving, and I followed them fast. I picked a large building with soldiers scuttling amund the entrance, sweeping their fire fi'om a flashing Meteor to the next one slamming in. My own aircraft shook with screaming speed as I held the rocket sight steady. Closer, closer! They had their gun pointed at me. I fired. I pulled away, wracking my kite over hard to port and twisting my head astern to see the results. My target was obliterated by smoke, but the tracer had tumed off. i radioed, "Eight clear!" "Wizard, chaps, wizard," cried Susans. "Lets go do 'em over again." And he whipped wildly past me in the opposite direction, cannons blazing, with the others following close behind. I looked for No. 7 and tagged on behind him. We peeled over and dived, this time from 1,000 feet. The flak diminished like the flow from a punctured garden sprinkler. Meteors crowded over the blazing village like a swarm of angr\' vampire bats, racing through the palls of smoke, throttles wide, cannons clattering and flinging the enemy before them like rag dolls. Some soldiers broke from a house, flushed out by the fighter in front of me. I sighted quickly—then froze. Another Meteor flashed 10 feet underneath me. He unraveled the soldiers with a classic three-second camion burst, then streaked away. I hadn't a clue who he was. Two more soldiers appeared. I pressed my rudders and snapped off a shot. One soldier crumpled, and the other tumbled into a slit trench. A dispatch rider headed down the road. A Meteor cannon burst hit him head on from almost the same level. The road around the rider whipped into foam, and the impact smashed the pulverized remains into the ditch.

A weapons carrier raced out of a revetment, and the Meteors competed for the kill. A burst of shells ripped along the road, engulfed the carrier, then probed beyond. The vehicle continued on for a few yards; then, without warning, it flipped on its back into a paddy, in flames. "Godfrey section," Susans puffed, "let's re-form." We did so—all eight aircraft— in a safer area. As the curtain of night began descending, Chongdan lay shattered and broken. The tension that had held me together through that wild flurrv' of destruction suddenly faded, and I felt weak and soggy. I glanced at my watch. It was after 5— and also Saturday back in Australia. Along the coasts and in the bays there, yachts were rounding the buoys for the last beat home. I thought of that peaceful world so far away, so detached from the reality of the dark despair of war. Soon we slid onto the runway at Kimpo. THE NIGHT AFTER the Chongdan raid,

tension still hung heax-y in the mess. The radio sergeant had rigged up a set on the bar. The speaker crackled fi'om his coaxing. He'd captured Radio Beijing. Then the voice of Shanghai Lil told us about the som- state of the world—and everyone tensed up. She had a special message for the Meteor pilots at K-14, Kimpo. "Yesterday, Wing Commander Susans and his drunken Australian pilots attacked the defenseless village of Chongdan," she reported, "killing innocent women and children. Well hang the wing commander and all his criminal pilots from the Kimpo control tower when the People's Liberation Army takes the airfield shortly." Susans looked nonplussed. "Gee, boss," said Bill with a tense laugh, "we must've knocked off some big wheels." The CO, his face set and serious, nodded curtly. "Yeah," he said. "I guess we really hurt 'em." The phone jangled on the bar, and Susans picked it up. A smile creased his face as he responded: "Yes, sir. OK. Is that so? Will do, sir. Many thanks. Bye." He faced us now; with a smile even Clark Gable couldn't muster. "Chaps," he announced, "that was a U.S. Air Force wheel from Fifth Air Force HQ Intelligence. He sends his congratulations to all you guys and the whole squadron. He's really very, very impressed. Our bloody mates at Chongdan were three crack Chinese battalions about to move back to the front. We cut 'em to ribbons!" MH

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confounded his enemies (and his friends) with his secretiveness, taking his men on exhausting night marches over rugged Continued from page 64 teirain, and ordering surprise changes in direction—often with a goal of appearing thrown their lot in with the revolution to suddenly and with great violence at the untrained volunteer militia, aimed with enemy's flank and rear. The general's next campaign, alter a smoothbore muskets, against the rifles and numerous cannons of the French. respite on his new island home of These men were soon hotly engaged, with Caprera, was his most ambitious: the inthe two villas changing hands many vasion of Sicily. The island was paTi of the times over thefollowingweeks. The revo- Bourbon kingdom of the Two Sicilies, lutionary- leadership was uninspired for ruled by Francis II and stretching from the most part, but Garibaldi, cool and the island north up the Italian boot to sell-possessed, seemed to be everywhere, Naples. Garibaldi loaded almost 1,100 constantly leading counterattacks to untrained volunteers armed with obsoretake critical ten^in. He was also a stem lete muskets, soon dubbed the "Thoudisciplinarian, especially of lootei"s of sand," aboard ships al Quarto and deabandoned Italian homes, admonishing scended on the Sicilian coast, the plan his suboi'dinates to deliver "only two pun- being to rout the island's 25,000 Bourbon ishments, either a reprimand, or death," troops (many of them foreign mercenaries), seize control and then cross over the according to one such leader. Although Rome's defense was hopeless Strait of Messina to Italy proper. There, from the start, it nonetheless lasted until they hoped to roll up the remaining royJune 30, 1849, when the city's leaders alist opposition and unify southern Italy sued for peace. Gaiibaldi, anticipating his under Victor Emmanuel 11 of Piedmont. probable fate at the hands of the French, This despite the fact that the king's govslipped out of the city, taking with him his ernment in Turin, led by the despised ailing wife and 4,000 fearful refugees on Cavour and under great foreign pressure, a circuitous route, first easl, then north, wavered in its support of the Thousand, and then northeast toward Rimini on the finally tuming against the expedition and Adriatic Sea. Despite constant harass- ordering Garibaldis arrest. ment by the pursuing French and AustriThe odds were long, but Garibaldi ans, with his force weakened by desertion, won. Under a broiling sun, he routed a disease and wounds, "the general" and hesitant Bourbon force of roughly 3,000 his remaining 250 followers reached Ce- infanti-y and artillery, well-trained and senatico on the eastem coast on July 31. armed but very poorlv led, at Calatafimi The trek broke Anna's health. She died at on May 15, 1860. The Thousand pushed Mandriole, leaving Garibaldi distraught on to Palermo, where they forced the and with very few followers. He traveled royal forces to withdraw on June 18, after in disguise across the breadth of central several days of fieire urban combat. AfteT" Italy before taking a ship to Tangier. From Palermo, Garibaldi attacked Sicily's last there he went into exile in New York, bastion of Bourbon mle at Milazzo on where he worked as a candle maker. July 20. After an armistice reached on July 23, the Bourbon soldiers evacuated EAGER TO RETURN TO battle for Italy, the island for good. Garibaldi was declared dictator of the Garibaldi soon joined the forces of the Kingdom of Piedmont, ruled by the con- Two Sicilies and soon demonstrated his niving King Victor Emmanuel 11 and his less admirable traits—political naivete calculating conservative prime minister, and disinterest in goveming. Indeed, Camillo, conte di Cavour. Too prominent Mazzini, his eminence grise, had dea nationalist to ignore, but not tmsted by spaired of his protege early on, opining his employers. Garibaldi took command that "the man is weak beyond expresof an untrained volunteer corps dubbed sion." The conservative Cavour distrusted Cacciatori delle Alpi (Alpine Hunters) in and feared the general's leftist leanings, the war of 1859 against the empires of his charisma and his influence with the France and Austria. Now a genuine com- general Italian populace. Those impresmissioned general, in the spring of 1859 sions go a long way to explain why both he embarked on a lightning offensive into statesmen, with different motives, were Lombardy that di-ove out the Austrians in so lukewarm in their support of his Sicilprecipitate retreat. In that campaign, as in ian expedition. every one in which he fought, Garibaldi Nevertheless, nothing succeeds like 70 MILITAKV HISTORY AUGUST 2005

success, and with foreign pressure easing in the wake of his battlefield victories. Garibaldi landed on the Italian mainland at Reggio. From there he pushed his amiy northward, cheered by massive crowds that saw him as a liberator. He often rode ahead of his amiy, bravely contemptuous of any threat that the retreating and increasingly dispirited Bourbon troops might have posed. He entered Naples, the capital of the Two Sicilies, on September 5, effectively unifying Italy under Victor Emmanuel. Only Rome and Venice remained Italia Irridenta. At that point the general, increasingly plagued with rheumatism, retired again to Caprera, where he struggled to glean a living from the rocky soil. At the sametime, he was inundated with worshipful letters from admirers worldwide, man\ of them women. He fathered at least one child out of wedlock. When the American Civil War erupted in 1861, Garibaldi seriously contemplated joining the Federal Army and was even offered a general's commission. He elected not to participate in that conflict, but his name was adopted by the 39th New York Volunteer lnfantiy; a unit of mixed immigrants, many of them veterans of Europe's 1848-49 revolutions, as the "Garibaldi Guards." IN 1870, AFTER THE fall of Emperor

Napoleon 111, Garibaldi went to France to fight ibr the new French Republic. He was too late, too old and too infii'm to sway the outcome of the conflict, but his command of his outnumbered, outgunned and untrained irregulars (hardly a new situation for Garibaldi) failed to dim his star. Garibaldi could only have been disappointed too when Victor Emmanuel II, and not he, entered Rome on November 3. 1870, finally unifying Italy. A fi ail Garibaldi retumed to Caprera, never to fight again. He wrote three bad novels and his well-received memoirs. By this time, his fame was so great that his name was attached to such things as shirts, wines and biscuits. He died on June 2, 1882, at age 74. In spite of his left-leaning politics. Garibaldi was a nationalist at heart and consequently, to the horror of more radical Italians, always loyal to King Victor Emmanuel 11. He was disappointed with the neglected south of Italy, with the imperialist ambitions of the new Kingdom of Italy, and with the still potent influence of the pope and the church. But Italy would not have come into existence without this simple, straightforward warrior. MH

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INTERVIEW

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Jo/,ef Rudnik. was killed on August 8. On the 60lh anniversarv' of NoiTnandy I took part in the celebi"ations, but also visited his grave. On August 14, we wei'e advancing when our own side bombed us. The lead aircraft dropped its payload .short on our lines, and the following bombers dropped their bombs into the dust clouds that the first explosions had created. They hit the jeep holding our regimental banner, and all that was left of it were parts of the wooden pole. T was wounded on August 18. I was an NCO by now and in charge of a 3-inch mortar platoon. My men were part of a special formation of infantiT and suppon units chatted with taking a hill on the approach to Chambois, the village where the Poles ck)sed the Falaise Gap and stopped the German armies in Nonnandy escaping. Anx'way, my mortars were in a neaiby wood, and 1 was giving the order to fire and dropping my arm at the same time. I had just done this when I heard "Poof! Poof!" The first snipers bullet pierced my helmet and scratched my head. The second shot went into, then out of, my ami, I was taken back to afieldhospital where Canadians, Poles and Gennans were all being ti-eated. From here i was sent back to the UK, where I recovered, although I remained incapacitated for frontline duty. MH: What became of you h'om then on? Kowalski: On November 1, 1944, I received my commission and became a second lieutenant. 1 was asked to become an instmctor, but decided to focus on my education. My war was over, so I went to Oxford University to study law and then on to London, where I studied economics. My mother and sisters were eventually allowed to come and visit my father and me. In 1966 I returned to Poland, but couldn't adjust to life under the Communists, [My father] died soon aftenvaixls. As for me, I manied and settled in Britain, where I took citizenship. Years later, I received the Cmix de Guerre from the people of France, and I spend both the annual sum from this award and my French war pension on my grandchildren. MH For funher reading, Simon Rees recommends: Poland in Worid War II: An Illustrated Militaiy History, by Andrew Hempel; The Fall of France: Act With Daring, bv Martin Marix Evans; and The Polish Army 1939-45, by Steven J. Zaloga.

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72 MILITARY HISTORY AUGUST 20D5

YAD MORDECHAI

BRUSILOV

Continued from page 36

Continued from page 44

Among the weapons to arrive were Israel's first fighter aircraft, Avia S-199s (re-engined Czechoslovakian-made Messerschmitt Me-109Gs). The first four hastily assembled aircraft were pressed into service on May 29, when the 101st Fighter Squadron set off on its debut mission against the Egyptian column halted at Ashdod. Each aircraft swooped down, dropping bombs and strafing the column. Their untested 20mm cannons and machine guns quickly jammed, and overall the air attack resulted in little actual damage, but it was unexpected, and the Egyptians scattered and lost the initiative. Bogged down some 37 kilometers fi'om Tel Aviv, the Egyptian threat to Israel's center was over,

Eastern Eront was extended south of the Pripet Marshes to below Tarnopol, As a consolation, Austrian divisions south of there were foimed into a new army group under the heir to the throne. Archduke Karl (who would become emperor when Eranz Josef died in November 1916, at age 86), But Karl had to accept a German chief of staff, the monocled General Hans von Seeckt, who would create the postwar German army, the Reichswehr. The Austro-Hungarian armies were placed under the supreme command of Kaiser Wilhelm II of Germany. On August 28, Ealkenhayn was replaced by Hindenberg, with Ludendoi-ff remaining as his partner and mentor, under the title of first quarteimaster general, Ealkenhayn, who had lost prestige through the failure of his Verdun offensive and his neglect of the Eastern Eront, went off to fight the Romanians. Another high-level casualty was Conrad, whom the new Austrian emperor replaced in Eebmary 1917 with General Ajthur Freiherr Arz von Straussenburg. Russia had sustained a million casualties in the four-month campaign and wotild fall prey to revolutionary fervor the following year. After the overthrow of Tsar Nicholas, Bmsilov became commander in chief under Aleksandr E. Kerenski's provisional government, but his last offensive in July 1917 faltered after a promising start. Unlike most imperial officers, BiTisilov, who despised the tsar, threw in his lot with the Bolsheviks after the October Revolution and became inspector-general of cavali> of the Red Army. He died in 1926 and was buried with military honors in the garden of Moscow's Novodevichi Monastery. The So\dets further honored his memory by publishing six reprints of his memoirs, Moi Vospombianiya {A Soldier's Notebook). Even his enemies were no less inclined to acknowledge his memory for what German historian Walter Hubatsch called "one of the greatest victories in world history," MH

A truce came into effect on June 11, allowing each side to retain its tenitorial gains. Yad Mordechai was in the area controlled by Egypt. When the Egyptians refused to honor a truce provision allowing for the resupply of sun'ounded Jewish settlements, fighting erupted again. The newly reinforced Israeli army launched Operation Yoav, which drove the Egyptians from most of the tenitoiy they had seized. On November 5,1948, the Israelis retook Kibbutz Yad Mordechai. Zilberstein described the Egyptian retreat as "made with such haste that Yad Mordechai fell into our hands like fallen fruit. On that very day we returned and since then we [have] started to rebuild the place with energy." Having fought so hard for their home, the people of Yad Mordechai gladly returned to their border location rather than opt for a safer place in the center of the country. Haganah Commander in Chief Israel Galili told the residents upon their return: "Your battle gave the whole south six precious days for fortification, for organization, for the securing of additional arms. The Egyptians learned here the valor and the obstinacy of the Jewish fighter. They recognized how much they would have to pay in lives and material if they were to go forward. The nation A British citizen living in Switzerland, owes much to Yad Mordechai." MH Bnan Turner is a frequent contributor to Military Histor\'. For further reading, Israeli contributor Gary L. Rashba has he recommends: A Soldier's Notebook, published numerous articles on Middle by General A.A. Brusilov; Triumphs and East military history and policy. For fur- Tragedies in the East, 1915-17, by T.N. ther reading, he suggests The Six Days of Dupuy and W. Wlodziniierz; and The Great War, bv Cyril Falls. Yad Mordechai, by Margaret Larkin.

REVIEWS

ORE RONIANCE

Continued from page 62

Cultured Force isn't likely to make the word empire any more acceptable, but it does prove tbat tbe bistorical record, at least as il pertains to France, isn't as onesided as critics tend to portray it. Steven Martinovich

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B E S T

L I T T L E

S T O R I E S

Chappie James went from begging airplane rides to four-star rank, a racial pioneer in military service. By C. Brian Kelly

about to encounter the immovable object when, one day in 1969, Khadaf>' tumed up at the front gate of the base in the lead truck of a column of half tracks. He got out and walked up to James. "It was like a scene fiom Gunsmoke, both men facing each other with holstered pistols," wrote Weir. "Move your hand away from that gun," James ordered. And guess what? Khadafy did.. .after staring at the defiant CO for a long moment. And next, "He got back in the truck and the column moved away."

A BEGGAR FOR AIRPLANE rides as a

child in Pensacola, Florida, he took his flight training during World War II. but too late to see action...just then. Later, however, in Korea, Vietnam and even Libya, he would see plenty of action, close calls and/or tense confrontations. And he never was the one to blink. First assigned to bombers because of his 6-foot-4-inch height, he finally managed to talk his superiors into letting him squeeze into fighters, his real love. What about that confined cockpit? "I don't gel into it," he said. "1 put it on." Meanwhile, Daniel "Chappie" James again and again would prove the confidence his superiors placed in him. Just before the Korean War broke out, badly injured and burned, he earned the Distinguished Semce Medal "for pulling another pilot out of a buming plane after a crash," reports author William Weir in a new book. During the war itself, he earned the Distinguished Flying Cross for his performance both in jets and prop aircraft, such as the Lockheed F-80, the Republic F-84 and the North American P-51. •'His main duty was providing air support to ground troops by strafing and bombing North Korean troops as they advanced against the outnumbered American and South Korean soldiers." One day the black American pilot was shot down behind enemy lines, but he was rescued by an American tank crew before the North Koreans could reach him. Weir adds in his recently published book Tlw Encyclopedia of African American Military History.

"James also got involved in ground combat as a spotter and an air conti oiler," Weir notes. "He had about three jeeps shot out from under him, he said later." FROM KOREA HE MOVED on to training

and command assignments, along with career-building Pentagon desk jobs. 74 MILITARY HISTOKV AUGUST 2005

Colonel Daniel C. "Chappie" James, vice commander of the 8th Tactical Fighter Wing, poses before his McDonnell F-4C.

"James stayed in the cockpit lor^ enough to prove he was a superb combat pilot, but he didn't neglect his 'military education' on how to be a staff officer." Then came Vietnam and his new posting as deputy commander of the 8th Tactical Fighter Wing, which meant he saw a lot more action. On one occasion, he came back from a mission with a dead engine and 56 holes in his plane. Another time he was forced to land on an emergency strip in the middle of the jungle. What did he think of the civil rights turmoil back home? "Look, friend," he said, "I'm really not interested in all of that, really. See, I consider myself damn lucky to be able to land my airplane at this emergency strip in one piece." From Vietnam he moved on to a tense situation in Libya soon after Colonel Muammar Khadafy seized power. James was posted to Wheelus Air Force Base as its commander, "and Khadafy decided he didn't want any American bases on Libyan soil," Weir wrote. The proverbial irresistible force was

THAT, OF COURSE, wasn't the end of it. After all, the anti-American dictator was head of state; like it or not, it was his country, and he still wanted the Americans out. Thus negotiations proceeded. "At one point, Libyan officers who were negotiating with James brought along a soldier with a submachine gun to a meeting at James' home. James ordered the soldier out, and he went." Finally, the Americans were about to leave. StiU, Khadafy would not have the last word. He wanted them to leave their equipment on the base, but once again he had struck the immovable object. James' "Air Force people flew it all out when they left." From there the tall and rangy fighter pilot's stai' simply rose.. .and rose, as first he was awarded the single star of a brigadier general and then, "after a succession of Pentagon posts," three more. In the end, by now commander in chief of the North American Air Defense Command (NORAD), Daniel James had become America's first black four-star general. His was a remarkable story, to be sure...but then so are those of many more African Americans to be found in Weir's highly readable compendium of their important contributions to the nation's military heritage. Mil